Arab Spring: Causes and Consequences

Understanding of John Mearsheimer’s view of international politics in his book Tragedy of Great Power Politics

Written by John Mearsheimer, the book Tragedy of Great Power Politics expounds on international politics and international relations shading light on the diverse effects it has on the world. The author describes how immense powers utilize international politics in myriad ways to increase their dominance in world politics. Mearsheimer posits, “The formidable powers vehemently seek ways to maximize their world power share” (p.15). Using the unique thinking brand that he calls “offensive realism”, the author explores the complex issue of international politics giving remarkable views in his study. The author uses the history of military and diplomatic missions that have occurred in the last two centuries to support his view of international politics.

The author views international politics as a way for eminent powers to expand their policies and dominance. Each state in the world works assiduously to ensure its survival by utilizing international politics as a tool to maximize its share of power in the world. The behavior of states of using their military strengths to increase their regional dominance stands out in this book. Supremacy maximization, pursued by diverse nations often leads to “hegemonic wars that are awesomely destructive” (Mearsheimer 2002, p.187). This occurs when several states have a particular interest in a certain region. One of them shows the potential to dominate the region, the emergence of war becomes imminent. Mearsheimer (2002, p.187) shatters “distinct rhetoric, which surrounds expansive world wars, often reducing them to unique and basic war elements mainly triggered by international politics”.

The author views international politics as a tool that can increase global conflicts. States from various parts of the world more so revered powers are aggressive as they try to seize every available opportunity to acquire world power, resulting in the emergence of many conflicts of interest. The author often warns against countries putting too much hope or faith in the unique goodwill of other nations, as most of them are not genuine. In chapter ten, the author reckons that states fear each other and are constantly seeking power gain at the expense of another country.

Mearsheimer also views international politics as an offensive way aimed at intimidating other nations to compromise on their stands and development goals for the interest of dominant powers. He reckons that “international politics has always been a ruthless and dangerous business” (2002, p.86). Mearsheimer explains the significant threats posed by international politics to the development of other nations. At the end of the book, Mearsheimer applies his remarkable theories to show detrimental effects posed by the current activities in international politics. He points out that, “I believe that the existing power structures in Europe and Northeast Asia are not sustainable through 2020” (Mearsheimer 2002, p.187). Moreover, Mearsheimer studies world history and utilizes offensive realism in describing pernicious effects derived from international politics. More importantly, Mearsheimer utilizes “history and offensive realism in predicting the growth of China and potential challenges this poses to the United States’ power in the future” (Keohane & Nye 2000, p.67). This depicts how the author views international politics as an endeavor that is bound to fail or bring irreparable damages to the world.

Understanding of Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye views of international politics in their book Power and Interdependence

On reading the book, Power and Interdependence, authored by Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye, the view of international politics exhibited by the writers is clear. Utilizing a powerful and coherent theory, Keohane and Nye explore international politics describing the diverse effects it poses. The book gives readers analytical tools that aid in comprehending world politics. Using history, the authors illustrate the diverse effects posed by international politics. This remarkable book offers a unique understanding of international politics that unravel the relationships between politics and economics.

The authors view international politics as a complex matter requiring extensive scrutiny to understand what it entails. This results from the fact that interdependence is ever multidimensional and growing. Keohane and Nye put forward the idea of Complex interdependence, which states that complex bonds exist between nations and their fortunes (p.24). The authors analyzed how interdependence transformed international politics. He emphasizes the role of power in international politics especially military prowess. This has resulted in a decline in the usages of coercive power and military force. The authors examine different dimensions of interdependence. The first interdependence dimension is sensitivity, which is about how a country feels the effect of distinct policies of another state before it takes measures to react to them. Because of the world’s politics, states tend to impose their policies on other countries thus affecting their progress. On the other side, the interdependence dimension of vulnerability, which takes into consideration the pace taken by a country in reacting to diverse policy changes brought about by other countries.

Keohane and Nye astutely argue that an “increase in interdependence forms especial economic forms and decline in usage of military force will increase international cooperation between nations” (p.108). The major features of international politics mainly focusing on economics illustrate the persistence of distributional conflicts between states. Besides, competition conflicts between states related to world politics exist. World power, which is the ability of a certain country to get other countries to do something they could not have done, is a serious concern to many nations. Diverse effects of international politics emerge due to thorough scrutiny of the relationships between nations such as the US and Canada or Australia.

The Arab Spring

Arab Spring has become famous this year following the diverse implications it poses. According to Peterson (2011), “Arab Spring is a series of protests and demonstrations that occur in North Africa…protesting against political regimes and or against certain policies in the Arab countries” (p.8). Arab Spring is also the Arab Revolutions or Arab Rebellions. The first protest that happened in December 2010 in Tunisia resulted from a pernicious act by a street vendor named Mohammed Bouazizi who set fire on himself in his protest against ill-treatment and corruption by Tunisian police (Coll 2011, p.2).

This self-immolation by Tunisian street vendor was detrimental as it triggered protests and unrest in this country and eventually forced President Ben Ali to resign. This resulted in other rebellions in many Arab countries, thus, triggering global media to dub the protests as the ‘Arab Spring’ (Hyun 2011, p.12). Numerous revolutions have occurred in many countries such as Egypt and Tunisia. The occurrence of significant protests in Algeria, Iraq, Israel, Morocco, Oman, and Jordan is also part of the Arab Spring (Phares 2010, 58). All these protests shared civil resistance techniques that employed techniques involving rallies, strikes, and demonstrations. Also, a civil uprising has occurred in Yemen, Syria, and Bahrain (Coll 2011, p.3). Consequently, this section analyzes the events of the Arab Spring and their implications for the rest of the world as Mearsheimer and Keohane and Nye separately would.

Analysis of the Arab spring events and their implication as Keohane and Nye would

The organizers and protestors always use technology to spread the news about a demonstration or an uprising. Moreover, the protests utilized social media in organizing, communicating, and raising awareness in attempts aimed at creating a massive impact. Within seconds, information about a certain uprising distributes itself all over the globe. Protestors in the Arab world used a slogan distributed using new technology that said that people want to bring down regimes in this region (Peterson 2011, p.6).

Therefore, Keohane and Nye would analyze the widespread Arab Spring by looking at the effect of new and sophisticated technology on it. The fast and widespread of information due to technology has enabled the uprising to influence people from other countries all over the world (Kaye 2008, p.58). The implications to the rest of the world are that various governments all over the globe will experience protests or demonstrations if their policies and governing styles make the people discontented or disillusioned. This implication will be the same as one witnessed in Tunisia when protesters managed to overwhelm the ruling regime making the Tunisia president Ben Ali together with his family to flee to Saudi Arabia (Coll 2011, p.3). Rebellions will be inevitable when events in a country exasperate people.

Keohane and Nye would view the main reasons for the upheavals witnessed in many countries located in North Africa and other places in the Arab world as closely related to the worldwide economic downturn. As Gardner (2009) reckons, “economic downturn has detrimental effects on the government of the day, as citizens become exasperated and hence the protesting” (p. 37). Citizens have suffered economic problems, corruption, social problems, and injustices. They have put up a strong spirit of demonstrating and protesting lingering in many countries including Yemen, Tunisia, Egypt, and others. Besides, the majority of young people in these countries fail to find jobs in their own countries. Food prices increase at an alarming rate. Thus, the majority of the citizens experience disillusionment from the policies in their countries thus resulting in protests and demonstrations. The implications are diverse as witnessed in Tunisia. Mass destruction of properties, injuries, and deaths occurred during protests in this country. This comes from the “…violent responses witnessed in many demonstrations mainly executed by government authorities: counter-demonstrators and pro-government militias” (Keohane & Nye 2000, p.67).

In their analysis of Arab spring, Keohane and Nye would have looked at globalism showing how it has affected the Arab Spring. Keohane and Nye argue that globalism is any description of a unique world characterized by sophisticated networks of relations that cover multi-continental distances, while globalization is the increase or decrease in the globalism degree. Globalization plays a pivotal role in Arab uprising as foreign countries support rebellions with egotistical interests. Great powers support certain regimes in Arab countries in their bid to increase their dominance in the lucrative oil industries.

On the other hand, Farzmand (2011) discusses globalization as, “the recent dynamic change in the continuity context within the processes of surplus accumulations by different corporate capitalisms at the global level, a phenomenon with diverse implications for modern states, public administrations, and governance” (p. 439). Globalization increased uprisings in the Arab world. For instance, many people especially activists now consider Egypt as a progressive place with exciting and united people (Peterson 2011, p.9). The events have made governments collapse. For instance, in Egypt, protests forced President Hosni Mubarak to step down. This was after the military in Egypt engaged in a complete mutiny when Egyptian soldiers sided with the Egyptian people. Also, the prime minister of Jordan, Samir Rifai resigned following protests in his country.

How Mearsheimer would analyze the Arab spring events and their implication

As Great Powers seek global dominance, Arab Uprising provides excellent opportunities. There are diverse conflicts between superpowers as they try to gain dominance in the Arab world. As Browers (2009) posits, “Oil interests and security cooperation are the main factors increasing the United States international relations with Arab countries such as Egypt” (p. 46). Because of the influence from Great Powers such as the United States and Russia, the perception of the Arab Revolutions and the entire Arab world has shifted. Western media has covered Arab events more extensively with minimal negative connotations unlike in the past years. In this regard, rapid transformations that have occurred in the Arab world have caught international attention. Mearsheimer would see this as an opportunity for ample power to seize in their quest to increases world domination and power. Changes in diverse perceptions about Muslims, Arabs, and people from the Middle East will affect international relations largely. Perceptions of the Arab world, as a place full of ubiquitous terrorists, omnipresent radicals imposing sharia laws, and corrupt or brutal despots have changed thanks to the western media.

International alliances and business experience diverse implications from the Arab Spring. Mearsheimer would concur with me that Great Powers want to expand their international networks with Arab countries due to numerous benefits accrued from these collaborations. In this regard, the Arab rebellion will receive a lot of influence from other states each supporting the side that offers many benefits. The implications are far-reaching and many. For instance, the wave of the Arab Rebellions is threatening the stability of the Syrian government, a close and indispensable ally of the Iran government (Hyun 2011, p.13). Besides, Iran’s interest in advancing in the Arab world more so Bahrain is facing a major challenge from the uprisings.

On the other hand, challenges exist in the business sector. Arab Spring and its subsequent events have affected the insurance industry largely. In the global insurance sector parlance, these events have made insurance claims increase at an alarming rate. As a result, it has forced insurers engaging in insuring their clients against political violence to provide a clear definition of damages. The semantics of damages is crucial in the insurance industry, as it will caution it against increasing insurance claims, which are overwhelming. The process of defining the exact events that occur on the ground leading to damages is a strenuous exercise that can result in a misunderstanding between the insured and the insurers.

One study estimated that total claims resulting from Arab Uprising are approximately $500 million. However, “diverse disagreements over the ways to label the Arab Spring turmoil may make insurers reluctant to pay for many of the claims” (Coll 2000, p.12). Contrary to previous years, the number of companies seeking insurance coverage against detrimental perils like war and insurrections has increased due to the Arab Spring. As a result, an increase in insurance rates has occurred, as the Arab Spring turmoil boosted insurance coverage demand for policies covering grave upheavals in these countries. For instance, people reported that prices for insurance policies went up by 400 percent in Bahrain. This will in turn increase the revenues for insurance companies.

My view and Opinion

The Arab Spring seems to reduce authoritarian oppression in the Arab world. People from Arabic countries now feel proud after shaking off many decades of disillusionment. This will intern reduce tyranny experienced in this country. Moreover, the Arab Spring will change global governance. Diverse protests mainly inspired by the famous Arab Spring have occurred in many parts all over the world with varying degrees of success as well as prominence. They aim at pressuring incumbent governments to make specific changes in some of their policies to diverse attempts of bringing down the entire political system. In some countries such as Armenia, widespread protests have impacted a lot of change nationally, while in other countries like Djibouti, protests that occur were eventually suppressed swiftly. In my opinion, Arab Spring has enlightened the masses on their rights as well as the responsibilities of their governments. Thus, authoritarian rulers are at a bigger risk as people all over the world demand democracy and transparency.

Conclusion

Therefore, based on the diverse expositions discussed in this paper, it suffices to posit that diverse implications emerge from the Arab Spring. With chain reactions of demonstrations, as well as protests occurring in many countries, it is evident that this rebellion will have long-term implications all over the world.

Reference List

Browers, M., 2009. Political Ideology in the Arab World: Accommodation and Transformation. New York: Cambridge University Press.

Coll, S., 2011. The Second Tunisian Revolution: A New Model of Change for a New Generation.Perspectives on the Arab Spring, 1(2), pp. 1-14.

Farzmand, A., 2011.Globalization, The State and Public Administration: A Theoretical Analysis with Policy Implications for Developmental States. Public Organization Review, 1(4), pp.437-463.

Gardner, D, 2009. Last Chance: The Middle East in the Balance. London: I.B. Tauris.

Hyun, K., 2011. The Arab Spring: The Changing Landscape and Implications for Development. Web.

Kaye, D., 2008. More Freedom, Less Terror? Liberalization and Political Violence in the Arab World. Santa Monica, CA: RAND Corporation.

Keohane, R., & Nye, J., 2000. Power and Interdependence.3rd edition. Harlow: Longman.

Mearsheimer, J., 2002.The Tragedy of Great Power Politics. New York: W. W. Norton.

Peterson, S., 2011. Egypt Revolution Redefines What’s Possible in the Arab World. Christian Science Monitor, 1(3), pp. 4-11.

Phares, W., 2010. Coming Revolution: Struggle for Freedom in the Middle East. New York: Simon & Schuster.

Syria’s Participation in the Arab Spring

Introduction

Syria being an integrated part of the Arab world could not resist the strong effect of rebellious mood in the neighboring countries and join the Arab Spring, a series of protest in the Middle East regions demanding the Presidents’ resignations and democratization of the societies. This wave of upheavals demonstrated the ugliness of the societal systems and unwillingness for the transition from autocracy to democracy.

In most countries, Islamist parties that came to power or significantly strengthened their positions and influence did not support building up civil society (Hubbard and Gladstone par. 3, 5). This issue is especially vital in the case Syria where the development of Arab Spring upheavals have led to the outburst of the Civil War, as President Bashar al-Assad did not want to resign and the protestants led by the opposition would not give up on their ideas.

Parties Involved

From the very beginning of the Arab Spring in Syria in March 2011, there were only two parties to the conflict – opposition which led the protesters and the President with his supporters. Such division, however, may not be comprehensive, as there is one more side of the conflict, local community members. Their position is clear.

They neither wanted to participate in the protests nor back up reigning political regime. Instead, these people strived for safety for their children and their homes and peace in their homeland. This group is approximately 40 percent of the population of Syria, who were forced to leave their homes in the search for safety and better life abroad (Glass 16). What is at stake for them is their well-being and life.

The initial position of the opposition was that the people lacked freedoms and that there is a need to eradicate the autocracy from social and political life and implement a new regime that would rest upon democratic values and respect for human dignity. All the requirements of the protesters came down to fair employment, sufficient provision, and adequate health care system (Hubbard and Gladstone par. 12).

The only matter with the transition to the democratic society is that, from the opposition’s perspective, it was impossible until Bashar al-Assad remained the President. What is at stake for the protesters is the belief that if they win, their country might witness the positive shifts in the social and political systems, i.e. the transition from autocracy to democracy and from terror to respect of human dignity.

The standpoint of the President remained the same during the course of the revolution evolving into an armed conflict. He would not want to give up on his powers and would do everything that is possible to maintain the functioning of his regime based on old autocratic ideals. So, «as the protests spread, the regime responded, predictably, with gunfire, arrests and torture» (Glass 18) thus demonstrating the desire to rule. What is at stake for him is his power and the opportunity to preserve the autocratic regime that was distinctive for all the Arab states.

One more party to the conflict is the world community acting through the United Nations Organization that gets involved later. The primary position is that Assad should step down so that it will lead to the renewal of peace in the country. What is at stake for this part is the global peace and the safe tomorrow. What is more, it is the safety and welfare of the citizen of their countries as because of the growing numbers of refugees, the issue of welfare is up in the air.

The History of the Conflict

The unrest began on 23 March 2011, with a series of peaceful protests in the southern parts of the country that were strangled by the security forces. Later, in May, Government deployed army and sent troops to suppress the demonstrations. The turning point that turned the peaceful revolution into a cruel bloodshed was March 2012 when the powers of protesters stated that they should use the weapon to protect civil population from the terror and oppression of the government (Kaphle 1).

Subsequent months turned into a caravan of military operations, attacks, and bombings all over the Syrian territory with the only aim – getting more influence and power without regard to a number of dead and wounded. The beginning of 2014 was a remarkable period for the development of the conflict, as the government and the National Coalition have come to peace signing an agreement. However, this accomplishment does not overscore the dreadful outcomes of the civil war that has claimed more than 200,000 lives, even more people were wounded, and hundreds of thousands have left their homes in a search for safety (Glass 11).

It should be said what changes occurred in the mindset and the primary points of the protesters led by the opposition. What at first started as peaceful revolt, turned into a terrible war. At the beginning of the Arab Spring:

Syrian aspirations resonated with lovers of liberty everywhere: an end to governmental corruption and arbitrary arrest; an independent judiciary; a free press; equality before the law; abolition of torture; genuine elections leading to legitimate authority; and democratic institutions responsible to the governed. The state responded with arrests and violence. Dissidence evolved into war. (Glass 113)

That means that the initial desire to build the democratic society in Syria peacefully evolved into the want to overthrow the regime by any means, even barbarous cruelty. What worsened the situation is the waking up the so-called Islamic State that has occupied Southern regions of Syria, but it is a whole new story. That said, all the military operations that have place in today’s Syria including both internal and external participants are actions aimed at confronting the jihadist Islamic State, and not the initial rioters.

Because of it, there is a stalemate in the situation in Syria. First, President Bashar al-Assad remains in power. Second, parties involved in the initial conflict are wearied out and cannot come to an agreement concerning the future of the state. Third, the society has seen no democratic changes. It can be proved by the very simple fact – the use of social media and the Internet for free exchanging of thoughts. At the very beginning of the Arab Spring, social networks were seen as a powerful tool for building up a movement of protesters and setting up a rebellious mood in the society (Harvey 1386).

The government partially blocked social media so that the rioters would not have an opportunity to find out the places of the mass demonstrations planned in different cities across the country and get in touch with each other (Harvey 1222). In this way, it has become the initial form of oppression that later was followed by armed strangling.

So, with the evolution of the conflict evolved the main points of the parties involved in it, especially the protestants, from the peaceful transition towards democracy to the desire to overthrow Assad’s regime by any means. What remains unchanged is the President’s clinging to power and the traditional political system.

Context, Audience, and Purpose

The purpose of the research is to define the parties to the conflict, their positions, and how they changed in the course of the upheavals, so that the audience, everybody reading it, could have a clear vision of the situation. The conflict has three parties – opposition, the President, common people, and international community with everyone involved having particular taking particular position in the conflict. Opposition, for example, requires the President’s resignation and the transition of the society towards the one based on democratic values.

The President wants to remain the one who rules the country. Local communities are neutral and desire peace and safety that is why they choose to flee abroad in the hope of better future for their families, so what is at stake for them is their life and welfare. What is at stake for the opposition is the desire to reform the social and political system. That said, if protesters lose, Syria will not become a democratic society. What is at stake for Assad is that if he loses, it might cost him not only power but also life. World community strives for global peace, and it is its stake.

References

Glass, Charles. Syria Burning: ISIS and the Death of the Arab Spring. New York, New York: OR Books. 2015. Print.

Harvey, Kerric Ed. Encyclopedia of Social Media and Politics. 3 vols. Thousand Oaks, California: SAGE Publications. 2014. Print.

Hubbard, Ben and Rick Gladstone. “Arab Spring Countries Find Peace Is Harder Than Revolution.” The New York Times 2013. Print.

Kaphle, Anup. “Timeline: Unrest in Syria.” The Washington Post 2014. Web.

Arab Spring and Violence Level in Different States

The ongoing Arab spring caught many governments and dictators in the Middle East and the North African regions unaware since it was unexpected given the political culture of the region. The uprising turned bloody in many countries and several factors explain the situation. In Egypt, those optimistic of the better future had to reconsider their positions as the death toll increased meaning the revolution had started claiming the lives of many. One of the reasons why the uprising turned bloody was the presence of the terrorist groups, including the world’s deadliest, Al-Qaeda. In Libya and Syria, the militia groups and the terrorists coordinated the attacks against the western powers and their local supports terming the activists the puppets of the west. Since the authoritarian leaders never expected the population to rise against them, they ensured that the uprising turned bloody as one way of punishing the dissidents.

In fact, the dictatorial leaders and the repressive regimes in the Arab world were reluctant to relinquish power because they viewed the uprisings as a western tactic to deprive them of their opportunity to enjoy the proceeds of oil. The revolution was bloodier in Libya and Syria as compared to Tunisia and Egypt because of the interests of the activists. In Egypt and Tunisia, the human rights groups were simply demanding representation and introduction of changes that would improve the conditions of living. The two countries had considerable developments as far as the respect for human rights and provisions of freedoms are concerned. In Libya and Syria, the regimes were so brutal to an extent that anyone expressing a divergent view is believed to be an enemy. Additionally, the government recruited the services of militias groups and terrorists having noticed that their positions were under serious threat. This made the democratic process through revolutions a nightmare leading to the loss of lives.

In Tunisia and Egypt, the academia played a role in coordinating the protests since they were in a position to organize the activities of human groups through the social media making the revolution less bloody (Beinin, & Vairel, 2011). The two countries are different from the rest of the Arab countries that have witnessed the revolution since the levels of education are high. For instance, Egypt is one of the countries in Africa with the most learned population. In fact, several students were willing to take part in the demonstrations having accused the government of relative deprivation for several years. The issues raised in Egypt were different from the demands of activists in Syria and Libya. In Tunisia, the despotic leaders were open to negotiations since they were not in touch with the majority having ruled the country for several years without initiating changes.

In the case of Libya and Syria, the foreign powers were accused of destabilizing the government with the sole purpose of acquiring oil cheaply. The Libyan leader, Muammar Gaddafi, was the people’s darling and many individuals, as well as his soldiers, were willing to sacrifice their lives to ensure he remained in power. The case was different in Egypt since the leader had lost the support of the elites because of introducing unfavourable economic and social policies. In Syria, the supremacy war between the US and Russia is affecting the peace process because both sides are unwilling to drop their demands. Putin and the Chinese government are supporting Assad, as they provide financial and military support. The war played out in the Security Council when the representatives failed to slap economic and political sanctions to Assad’s government.

References

Beinin, J., & Vairel, F. (2011). Social Movements, Mobilization, and Contestation in the Middle East and North Africa. Stanford: Stanford University press.

The Arab Spring’s Influence on Political Theory

Introduction

The Arab spring started in 2011 in Tunisia. It has been noted that the revolution that occurred in several Arabic nations not only surprised the leaders of individual countries, but also caught most scholars and political analysts unawares (Gause 2011; Podeh, 2011). Gause (2011) further notes that the world has several institutions that have dedicated departments whose main role if to identify politically unstable countries that have a higher risk of getting into political turmoil. Notably, however, those same institutions had ranked the Arab nations among the relatively politically stable countries. Based on the foregoing, it is possible that the Arab spring went against theories that predict political stability. In the proposed research, therefore, the researcher will seek to identify the manner in which the Arab spring contravened modern theories of political stability. Specifically, the study will answer the question ‘How did the Arab spring contravene modern political stability theories?’

Justification of the topic

Before the Arab spring in 2011, leaders of particular countries within the Arabic world were notorious for their autocratic tendencies. Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak and Libya’s Muamar Gaddafi are just two examples of the dictators that led respective Arabic countries. Like other dictators, Gause (2011) notes that the autocratic leaders had a tight control of the military and the economy in the countries they ruled. Consequently, most political analysts assumed that the iron-fisted leaders ensured that there was political stability in their respective countries and that any dissent was quickly silenced. The choice of the Arab spring as an apt title for the proposed research is informed by a gap in existing literature, whereby, one gets the impression that theorists treat all countries, irrespective of their social and cultural differences, as similar. Consequently, there a widespread assumption that the theories that explain political stability (or the lack thereof) in America can be used in Europe, Asia, Australia, Africa and the Middle East. Arguably, and as illustrated by the Arab spring, the foregoing assumption is not always true.

Objectives

The objectives of the proposed research include:

  1. Identifying the cultural and social differences that made the Arab spring unpredictable
  2. Identifying the manner in which the Arab spring discounted modern political theory
  3. Identifying the need for a new political theory that factors in the social and cultural differences in different countries

Methodology

The proposed research will use a qualitative study approach. The study will further adopt an advanced search through literature as the main study tool. Based on the relatively few years that have passed since the Arab spring, the research will rely on online journals and books to obtain the information needed to analyze the issue accurately. Traditionally published books will also be used as a resource through which the researcher will identify political theories that have been used to explain political stability in most of the developed countries. Marrelli (2005) observes that if done in the correct manner, “literature reviews can be an efficient approach to gathering a large volume of information quickly and inexpensively” (p. 40). Marrelli (2005) further notes that a researcher can categorize literature sources based on the timeframe, genre, sources, or coverage. In the proposed research, a combination of genre and timeframe categories will be used.

Research framework

The proposed research will use a social constructionist paradigm of research. According to Carr and Kemmis (1986), democratic theory is founded on social constructionist paradigm since it focuses on how culture shapes the collective experiences and worldviews of different communities. As Andrews (2012) notes, social constructionist theorists “support the idea that people can indeed be agents of change” when faced with difficult situations (p. 44). Additionally, the paradigm supports the notion of an objective reality (Burr, 2003). It also seeks to understand how knowledge is developed and comprehended. Arguably, adopting the social constructivism paradigm will enable the researcher to understand how the Arabian spring was constructed and understood by the people who participated in the revolt. Additionally, the research paradigm will enable the researcher to understand why theories on political stability do not seem to offer a plausible explanation of the events that led to the Arab spring.

Literature Review

The term ‘Arab spring’ is often used in reference to the political revolt that occurred in specific Arabic countries including Yemen, Tunisia, Libya and Egypt between 2011 and 2012 (Rozsa, 2012). In just two years, regimes in the four aforementioned nations had been removed from power. The revolt had started in Tunisia, and as Rosiny (2011) observes, it spread to Egypt first and later to Libya in just several months. Notably, the protests did not just happen out of nowhere. Since 2000, Rosiny (2011) notes that there was growing disquiet in most Arabic countries, which was directed at the authoritarian regimes. However, no one expected that a public self-immolation by a Tunisian citizen would inspire so much protest from Tunisia and from several other Arabic countries (Rosiny, 2011).

In a commentary, Brownlee (2008) indicated that the autocracies in the Arab world share a common characteristic that “preserved the asymmetry of power” (p. 53). The common characteristic was the hereditary succession of leadership. Additionally, all such autocracies were adept at silencing political dissent from citizens either through the military of through the police (Brownlee, 2008). Over the years, however, there were structural imbalances that weakened the authoritarian regimes (Aarts et al., 2012). Such weaknesses were, however, not acknowledged by respective authoritarian governments. Critics nevertheless note that most of the political tensions should have alerted political analysts of the possibility of a revolt (Goodwin, 2011). However, Goodwin (2011) notes that revolutions always appear predictable when viewed in hindsight. Other scholars (Aarts & Cavatorta, 2013; Gamson, 2011; Gilbert & Mohensi, 2011; Gokmen, 2011) argue that the fall of the autocratic regimes was inevitable. Prior to the Arab spring, however, the idea that leaders such as Mubarak and Gaddafi would be ousted appeared implausible.

Timetable

The following timetable will be used during the proposed research

Activity Time allocation
Writing a research proposal Two weeks
Searching and compiling literature sources Four weeks
Writing a detailed review of the literature Six weeks
Analyzing the results Two weeks
Writing and proofreading the final research report Four weeks
Submitting the report One week

Conclusion

This research proposal provides a justification for the researcher’s choice of Arab spring as the subject of study. The paper indicates that there is a gap in existing literature created by the absence of analysis of the dissimilar social and cultural environments in different countries. The paper further identifies a qualitative methodology as the most ideal for use in the proposed study, specifically because the paper will use a literature review approach. A social constructionist approach was also selected as a research paradigm since it will allow the researcher to comprehend how the Arab spring was constructed and comprehended by the participants.

References

Aarts, P., & Cavatorta, F. (2013). Civil society in Syria and Iran: activism in authoritarian contexts. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers.

Aarts, P., Van Dijke, P., Kolman, I., Statema, J., & Dahhan, G. (2012). Resilience to revolt: making sense of the Arab spring. Amsterdam: University of Amsterdam.

Andrews, T. (2012). What is social constructionism? The Grounded Theory Review, 11(1), 39-46.

Brownlee, J. (2008). The heir apparency of Gamal Mubarak. Arab Studies Journal, Fall/Spring, 36-56.

Burr, V. (2003). Social Constructionism (2nd Ed.). London: Routledge.

Carr, W., & Kemmis, S. (1986). Becoming critical: education, knowledge and action research (revised Ed.). Melbourne: Deakin University Press.

Gamson, W. (2011). Arab spring, Israeli summer and the process of cognitive liberation. Swiss Political Science Review, 17(4), 463-468.

Gause, G. F. (2011). Why Middle East studies missed the Arab spring: the myth of authoritarian stability. Foreign Affairs, 90(4), 81-90.

Gilbert, L., & Mohensi, P. (2011). Beyond authoritarianism: the conceptualization of hybrid regimes. Studies in Comparative International Development, 46, 270-297.

Gokmen, O. (2011). “Our revolution is civil”: an interview with Asef Bayat on revolt and change in the Arab world. The Hedgehog Review, 13(3), 45-64.

Goodwin, J. (2011). Why we were surprised (again) by the Arab spring. Swiss Political Science Review, 17(4), 457-463.

Marrelli, A. F. (2005). The performance technologist’s toolbox: literature reviews. Performance Improvement, 44(7), 40-44.

Podeh, E. (2011). Farewell to an age of tyrant? The Egyptian spring as a model. The Arab Spring – Special Issue, 12-20.

Rosiny, S. (2012). The Arab spring: triggers, dynamics and prospects. GIGA Focus, 1, 1-7.

Rozsa, E., Abu-Dalbouh, W., Al-Wahishi, A., Bahgat, G., Baskin, G., Berger, L…, & Lecha, E.S. (2012). The Arab Spring: Its impact on the region and on the Middle East Conference. Policy Brief for the Middle East Conference on a WMD/DVs Free Zone, 9/10, 1-20.

The Arab Spring: Reasons and the Main Actors

Introduction

The Arab Spring is a common name that describes a series of protest events that started in the Middle East in 2010. A number of countries and non-state actors became involved in these revolutionary sentiments, which escalated from mass demonstrations to civil wars. Regarding the causes and prerequisites that led to the events in the Middle East, the political theory of constructivism describes this wave of protests. This concept allows understanding the characteristic social and political processes and concluding that the concepts of freedom and religion are inseparable in the region under consideration, which, in turn, explains the constructive nature of revolutions.

Reasons and the Main Actors Involved

The Arab Spring has significantly changed the economic, political, and social priorities of the Middle East. According to Blakemore (2019), it began with the martyrdom of the fruit dealer Mohamed Bouazizi from Tunisia, who committed suicide due to corruption and abuse by the country’s officials. Almost immediately, with the start of the revolution in Tunisia, the protest wave spread to Egypt, Yemen, Libya, Syria, and then to other states of the Arab world (Blakemore, 2019). Among the officials involved in the massive scandals, one can mention the ruler of Tunisia, the President of Egypt, the Libyan leader, and the President of Yemen, who were violently overthrown (Blakemore, 2019). The uprising in Syria against its President also escalated into a civil war that continues to this day and includes many international participants, such as Russia and the United States (Blakemore, 2019). In addition, as Gabsi (2019) notes, non-state actors have become involved in the Arab Spring, such as the National Democratic Institute and the International Republican Institute. As a result, mass uprisings have had a significant impact on the distribution of power and political forces in the region in question.

The Constructivist Theory

As a political theory describing the events of the Arab Spring, the concept of constructivism is best suited. In the Middle East, mass protests have a distinctive context due to their religious background. According to Martin (2019), identity is not homogeneous and often changes depending on factors that inhibit normal development. Residents of countries involved in protest movements were worried that their freedoms, social values, and religious norms were violated, which was unacceptable for them. Martin (2019) remarks that democracy in this region is accompanied by Islam as an essential aspect of people’s lives. Consequently, the violation of any of these pillars is fraught with discontent and the desire of the population to restore a constructive balance. In view of the differences from Western democracy in which liberal ideas are key, Eastern democracy is less flexible but, at the same time, more unambiguous. Therefore, the concept of constructivism, which became the basis of the Arab Spring, allowed the countries of the Middle East to change the course of their history. As a result, they got rid of a number of constraints and restrictions at the political, economic, and social levels.

Conclusion

While taking into account the inseparability of freedom from religion, the Arab Spring can be interpreted from the perspective of the constructivist theory as a concept that explains the characteristic traditions of the Middle East. A number of countries, officials, and non-state actors became involved in protest movements that spanned large areas and have lasted to this day. The course towards freedom through the preservation of religious values distinguishes Eastern democratic values from Western ones in many ways.

References

Blakemore, E. (2019). What was the Arab Spring and how did it spread? National Geographic. Web.

Gabsi, Z. (2019). Tunisia’s youth: Awakened identity and challenges post-Arab Spring. British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, 46(1), 68-87. Web.

Martin, N. (2019). From containment to realpolitik and back again: A realist constructivist analysis of Turkey-EU relations and the migration issue. JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies, 57(6), 1349-1365. Web.

The Arab Spring and Its Effects on the GCC Economy

Introduction

The Arab Spring that started on December 17, 2010, in Tunisia affected several counties in the Gulf Cooperation Council. The economy of Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria, and Iraq among others was adversely affected by the uprising. Many people were forced out of their work and out of their homes because of the growing insecurity in the major cities in these countries. It is estimated that about half a million people lost their lives during the Arab Spring.

In Syria alone, over 400,000 people lost their lives in the civil war that ensued (Abat 2013). The uprising has a serious impact on the real estate industry in the region. Many buildings were destroyed by constant shelling in major cities in Syria and Libya.

Many people were forced to flee their homes in Egypt, Iraq, and Tunisia, reducing the demand for houses to lease or rent. The tourism industry plummeted as international visitors avoided these politically unstable countries for security reasons. Business travelers also had to consider relocating their offices to safer countries within the region. As the economy of these countries suffered, that of safer regional countries benefitted significantly. In this paper, the researcher will look at how the Arab Spring affected the GCC’s real estate industry.

Discussion

The Arab Spring’s primary goal was to topple dictatorial regimes and replace them with democratic leadership in the Arab world. Nickerson and Sanders (2013) argue that not many people had anticipated the serious economic consequences that it would have. In Tunisia where the revolution started, the regime quickly collapsed and it did not result in prolonged civil strife, but about 338 people lost their lives (Altomonte & Ferrara 2014).

Countries such as Syria, Libya, and Yemen were not as lucky because they ended up in armed conflict. Egypt has also suffered from the prolonged civil strife that claimed the lives of over 800 people and paralyzed the economy. Many people were displaced from their homes because of insecurity. Most of the economic activities were disrupted as people fled from the war (Kettl 2013). It is important to note that while some countries were affected negatively, others benefited from the problem. In this section, the researcher will look at both cases.

Negative Economic Impact of Arab Spring

Egypt, Tunisia, Libya, Yemen, and Syria are the countries that were worst affected by the Arab Spring. A report by Kettl (2015) shows that over 50% of Libya’s real estate market in Tripoli was affected either directly or indirectly when the country toppled its long-time ruler, Muhammar Gaddafi. As Hamdan (2012) notes, the real estate sector booms when there are a general economic boom and population increase. However, that was not the case in Libya during this period. The economic prosperity within the country that had increased the demand for quality housing and other products offered in the real estate market suddenly ended. Egypt, Syria, and Yemen faced the same fate during that period. It is important to look at each area of the real estate sector affected by the Arab Spring in the stated countries.

Buying Property

The buying of property in these countries, especially in Syria and Yemen, has been virtually brought to a sudden stop because of the ongoing revolution against the government. People are fleeing from these countries to neighboring states or to the west in fear of their lives. Cities such as Aleppo have been destroyed by constant shelling and over 70% of its population has left for safer countries (Altomonte & Ferrara 2014). Many houses have been destroyed by the constant bombing of the region from the government fighting the rebels. The demand for property in this region is at an all-time low. No one is keen on purchasing housing units in this region not only because of the high levels of insecurity but also because of the massive drop in the population of the residents.

Property Lease

The demand for property lease has dropped significantly in the affected countries. In Yemen, the Houthi rebels forced over 200,000 families to flee their homes in the southern part of the country (Behnassi & McGlade 2017). People are not leasing houses in these major cities affected by the revolution. Instead, they are considering moving out, a trend that has resulted in cases where most of the rental houses are vacant. Most of the developers have been registering serious losses because of reduced occupancy levels in their premises.

Commercial Properties

Commercial properties were also affected significantly by the Arab Spring. Most of the rental offices in major cities in Cairo, Tripoli, and Tunis were vacant at the height of the revolution. In Egypt’s city of Alexandria, foreign investors were forced to relocate for fear of being targeted by the rebels. The rate of renting commercial properties in cities such as Damascus is still low because of the slow pace at which businesses are picking up after a long period of civil strife.

Hotel and Tourism

According to Altomonte and Ferrara (2014), one of the worst affected subsectors of the real estate industry was the hotel and tourism industry. Egypt is one of the leading tourists’ destinations at a global level. Ancient cities have not only been attracting historians but also leisure tourists keen on seeing the pyramids and other beautiful sites that the country has to offer. However, when the revolution started, most of the tourists had to move to other regional destinations where they were assured of their security. Local tourism was also affected as most of these tourists opted to stay in their homes or travel to other countries because of security concerns.

Tourism in Tunisia, Syria, Yemen, and Libya has also been affected by the same problem. The massive drop in the number of tourists in these countries also meant that the hotel industry was affected. Most hotels remained closed in many parts of the GCC countries affected by the Arab Spring. In Tripoli, hotels registered less than 5% occupancy during that period (Altomonte & Ferrara 2014). Although countries such as Egypt and Tunisia are witnessing relative calm, the tourism and hotel industry is yet to recover fully. Some international travelers still feel that the region is not safe enough for them to visit. As such, the rate of occupancy of most of the hotels in these countries is still relatively low compared with what was the case before the start of the spring.

Positive Economic Impact of Arab Spring

The Arab Spring, as undesirable as it was, had a positive impact on some of the GCC countries. It is important to note that, countries such as Saudi Arabia, Oman, Bahrain, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates also witnessed some forms of a public uprising in online platforms or other areas. However, the governments of these countries acted swiftly by changing the constitution or introducing extensive reforms to respond to the concerns of the public. The quick action of these governments averted a revolution and enhanced stability. It is estimated that over 2 million people immigrated to these stable Arab countries, significantly boosting their real estate market (Al-Mawali 2015). These stable Arab countries benefited from the Arab Spring, especially in the real estate sector.

Buying Property

The United Arab Emirates and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia are some of the biggest beneficiaries of the Arab Spring, especially because of the boost it had in their real estate sector. In 2009, there was a bubble burst in the real estate sector of the United Arab Emirates following the decade-long prosperity of the industry. The cost of property suddenly dropped by over 40% as the supply exceeded the demand (Buswell 2016).

Many international developers quickly relocated from major cities such as Dubai to other parts of the world because of the reduced profitability in the industry. However, that changed as many people from neighboring politically unstable countries such as Yemen, Egypt, and Libya started immigrating to cities such as Dubai and Abu Dhabi.

Some of them were buying property to resettle their families. The governments of Saudi Arabia and that of the United Arab Emirates liberalized house ownership policies in response to the inflow of people from war-torn countries to allow them to purchase housing units to settle their families (Altomonte & Ferrara 2014). Regional investors noticed the new opportunity as the population continued to grow. Figure 1 below shows the nationality of the top regional buyers of property in Dubai.

Figure 1: Top buyers of Dubai property from Arab countries (Nair 2013, para. 2).

The local opportunity did not just attract local and regional investors. International real estate developers also noted the growing demand for housing units as the population of these cities continued to grow. The city of Dubai attracted many international real estate developers. Figure 2 below shows the top investors in this industry.

Figure 2: Top international buyers of Dubai property (Nair 2013, para. 2).

The statistics show that 60% of Dubai’s real estate market, accounting for over 53 billion dirhams, is owned by foreign investors (Al-Mawali 2015). Citizens from the GCC countries have invested 19 billion dirhams into this market.

Property Lease

Property lease in the GCC countries that were not affected by the Arab Spring significantly improved as many foreigners flocked these cities. A report by Behnassi and McGlade (2017) shows that the city of Riyadh experienced a 12% increase in population in 2012 as it was forced to accept refugees and asylum seekers from regional countries affected by the spring. As Azoury and Bournois (2014) note, property lease was one of the subsectors of the real estate market that benefited the most from the inflow of people. The problem of dropping demand for property leases in cities such as Dubai suddenly ended. The demand for these products started surging as developers were presented with new opportunities.

Commercial Properties

The commercial properties in these countries also benefited from the increased demand. Many offices were rented out by non-governmental entities trying to settle refugees and asylum seekers. The commercial sector experienced a boost, especially in the food and clothing sectors. It means that the demand for commercial properties to rent increased in cities such as Dubai and Abu Dhabi. The booming business brought about by the increased population meant that most of the commercial properties were fully rented out. Behnassi and McGlade (2017) observe that because of the stability in these countries, they attracted regional and international investors since other countries such as Libya and Egypt became less attractive.

Hotel and Tourism

The tourism and hotel industry has also benefited significantly because of the political instability in the neighboring countries. According to the World Bank (2014), the city of Dubai has distinguished itself as one of the top global tourists’ destinations. It has one of the most developed transport (road, rail, water, and air) infrastructures in the world. The government has invested a lot in this sector by enhancing security and making it easy for tourists to move with ease while in the country.

However, the city always has to compete for international tourists with rivals such as Cairo, Jerusalem, and Damascus which are historical centers. Spiritual centers such as Mecca and Medina also pose a serious challenge for international tourists. The Arab Spring has been beneficial to the local tourism and hotel industry in Dubai, as shown in figure 3 below:

Figure 3: Improving the rate of hotel occupancy in Dubai (Buswell 2016, p. 56).

As shown in the figure above, from 2009 to 2013, which is the period when the Arab Spring seriously affected countries such as Libya, Egypt, and Syria, the local tourism and hotel industry in Dubai has increased by over 12%. Hotel occupancy increased from 70% to 82% (Buswell 2016). It is a sign that tourists were avoiding volatile cities in preference to those considered safer, such as Dubai.

Conclusion

The Arab Spring is one of the most unique uprisings in the modern history of the Arab world because it affected several countries in the Middle East and North Africa and took an almost similar path. People in the affected countries were demanding political democracy. The revolution had a serious negative impact on the real estate of countries such as Syria, Yemen, Tunisia, and Libya. However, Arab countries that were able to overcome the wave such as the United Arab Emirates, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, and Oman benefited economically.

Reference List

Abat, A 2013, Constitutional violence: legitimacy, democracy and human rights, Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh.

Al-Mawali, N 2015, ‘Intra-Gulf Cooperation Council: Saudi Arabia effect’, Journal of Economic Integration, vol. 30, no. 3, pp. 532-552.

Altomonte, C & Ferrara, M 2014, The economic and political aftermath of the Arab spring: perspectives from Middle East and North African countries, Edward Elgar, Cheltenham.

Azoury, N & Bournois, F 2014, Crisis, globalization and governance: how to draw lessons, Cambridge Scholars Publishing, Newcastle upon Tyne.

Behnassi, M & McGlade, K 2017, Environmental change and human security in Africa and the Middle East, Springer, Cham.

Buswell, J 2016, Service quality in leisure, events, tourism and sport, Cabi Publishing, Toronto.

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Nair, N 2013, ‘’, Quart. Web.

Nickerson, J & Sanders, R 2013, Tackling wicked government problems: a practical guide for developing enterprise leaders, Cengage, New York, NY.

World Bank 2014, Global economic prospects, volume 8, January 2014: coping with policy normalization in high-income countries. The World Bank, Washington, DC.

The Effects of Media on the Arab Springs

Introduction

The media is one of the most powerful forces in society since it provides people with information and helps them to make sense of what is going on around them. The world is becoming more integrated and there are many events going on in our immediate society and the distant world.

Media reports expose people to news and information from distant parts of the world and raises awareness on some issues. In addition to this, media in most times influences the individual’s view and understanding of events. The media provides people with a background of the issues and helps them to gain a better perception of what is going on. This helps people to make sense of new information and form an enlightened opinion.

The media has been instrumental in bringing about change in society. Gentz and Kramer suggest that by informing the society on issues of importance, the media is able to act as a powerful agent of change and reform (24). The media is credited with having played a role in the recent Arab Spring that swept over North Africa and the Middle East.

While the ultimate impact of the Arab Spring in North Africa and the Middle East remains to be seen, it did lead to the collapse of four regimes and the establishment of democratic governments in their place. The revolution also initiated many reforms in the region with governments making changes in response to the demands of the people. This paper will set out to analyze the effects that media had on the Arab Spring. It will highlight the role that both traditional and new media played in the Arab Revolution.

Effects of Traditional Media

Traditional media outlets such as radio, television, and newspapers played a major role in spreading the Arab Spring story to the world. The media brought the world focus to the events that were going on in the Arab world. International media houses engaged in intensive reporting on the events taking place in the Arab countries (Laqueur 75).

The detailed information on the social and political issues that had made a popular uprising necessary made the global community pay attention to the countries involved in the protests. The media was able to turn the Arab Spring into an issue of international concern with people all over the world following the events through their televisions, radios, and newspapers. People increased their reliance on media outlets to provide them with information on the events taking place in the revolting Arab countries.

Hanska-Ahy and Shapour document that the online audience base for BBC Arabic online “grew by 300% during the height of the protests in Egypt and traffic to the broadcasters mobile sites grew by 274% compared with the average weekly reach in 2010″ (2). This interest led to more reporting on the issue as it developed over the months.

The media promoted the local support for the Arab revolution. In most of the countries, people were unconcerned about the social issues and the political situation in their country.

For Example, Tunisia had been under the rule of Ben Ali since October 1987 and during his over 2decade rule, the country had witnessed increasing intolerance of opposition figures and many human rights violations. In the same way, Hosni Mubarak had ruled Egypt since 1981 and during his reign, the country experienced rising unemployment issues and opposition figures were imprisoned and mistreated by the regime.

The media brought these issues to the attention of the civilians of the country. Political activists used media resources to inspire individuals to take action against their oppressive governments (Alqudsi-ghabra 150). Because of media promotion, people who were otherwise uninterested in politics began to notice their environment. They therefore started to protest due to the highlighting of social issues by the media.

International media promoted the expansion and development of the Arab Spring. The Arab Spring can trace its birth to the protests in Tunisia, which were catalyzed when Mohamed Bouazizi set himself on fire in protest of social conditions. From this event, various political and human rights activists teamed up and began a revolution that led to the eventual collapse of the oppressive Tunisian Regime. The revolution would have remained confined to Tunisia if the media had not been involved.

Because of the publicizing of the events in Tunisia, other Arab countries were able to closely follow the events leading up to the collapse of the Ben Ali Regime (Alqudsi-ghabra 151). After witnessing this success, other Arab countries including Algeria, Egypt, and Yemen engage in their own waves of unrest with the intention of overthrowing their governments. The Media continued to cover these events therefore promoting the growth of the Arab Spring.

The media had a positive effect on the morale of the protestors in most of the North African and Middle Eastern countries engaged in uprisings against their governments. In most countries, media reports encouraged local protestors that they were not alone in their struggle to bring reform in their country.

Laqueur asserts that psychological factors play a decisive role in political trends (75). The psychological support offered by media therefore to optimism even when the governments were attacking protestors in an attempt to stop the revolutions. By seeing images of other protestors engaged in the same struggle, activists were encouraged to continue fighting for their cause.

The media led to the acquisition of material and political support for the Arab Spring by the international community. Gupta and Brooks observe that while protests by Egyptians played a significant role in the overthrow of Mubarak in Egypt, the international community was crucial to the success of this revolt (24).

The Egyptian activists engaged in efforts to publicize their message to the international community and therefore gain worldwide support. Without the involvement of international media, it is likely that government forces would have crushed the uprisings in Egypt, Libya, and Tunisia.

Due to the involvement of the international community, the governments in these countries had to act in a more controlled manner. When the governments of Hosni Mubarak and Muammar Gaddafi completely shut down the internet in an attempt to prevent social media from being used to organize anti-government protests or report events to the outside world, the international community offered technical support to the activists in these countries.

In Libya, the international community responded with military action when news reports showed that the Gaddafi regime was using military force to crush the protestors. The opposition forces were also supplied with military equipment by the West helping them to achieve victory against government forces.

Media reporting of the Arab Spring led to worldwide sympathy for the protestors. Countries such as the US that were keen to promote stability in the Middle East and North African region were convinced that the protestors could reform the country.

The stories of ordinary civilians willing to risk their lives for the overthrow of corrupt and cruel dictators was inspiring to many people all over the world. While counties such as the US were previously keen to ensure that established regimes did not collapse, they changed their policy during the Arab Spring.

Laqueur states that the positive reception of the Arab Spring by the Obama Administration was promoted by the media reports that showed enthusiastic protestors calling for change (79). The American government adopted a policy of tolerance and even support for the citizens who wanted to bring democratic change to their country.

The media enabled the international governments to take a stand against most of the Arab governments where the citizens were protesting. The international community always respects the sovereignty of a nation. Without proof that a nation is oppressive to its people, other nations are unlikely to issue strong statements against a functioning government. In the Arab Spring case, the media helped to undermine the legitimacy of government forces.

Gupta and Brooks document that the media displayed vivid examples of government oppression and violence through videos and pictures obtained from the ground by reporters and activists (24). With such proof, the international community led by the United Nations could take a stand against the North African countries in question. These media reports were also used to justify material and technical support to the protestors in the different countries.

Role of Social Media

Social media was responsible for bringing international attention to the events taking place in the Arab countries. Gupta and Brooks state that at the start, international media organizations did not give much attention to the events taking place in the Arab Spring (23).

The governments had a monopoly on information through their tight control of the traditional media outlets. The world was therefore unaware of the events taking place in the North African countries due to the government organized media blackout. Individual efforts by citizens in the Arab countries led to attention being given to the events in the region.

The Arab Spring was characterized by many incidents of citizen journalism where protestors reported on events and presented this material to the public through the internet. The tweets and YouTube videos of government forces committing violence against protestors posted by Tunisian protestors caused international media houses to notice the protest (Alqudsi-ghabra 154). International media outlets such as Al-Jazeera, BBC, and Radio France International therefore began to run stories on the protest and this led to worldwide attention.

Social media was used as a tool of political resistance in real space and cyberspace. Lyombe states that despite the governments’ control of mainstream media, activists were able to use social media to demand regime change and act against the government’s monopoly on information (143). Activists used the media as a weapon in the bitter power struggles with the authoritarian regimes. The lack of a well-defined network and high mobility in social media made it hard for the government to crackdown on these information outlets.

Media played a role in the dissemination of information among the citizens of the countries engaged in the Arab Spring. Specifically, most of these countries relied on social media to spread information on protest locations and coordinate action against government forces.

Gupta and Brooks state that the publicizing and organizing impacts of social media were great since in countries like Egypt and Libya, the government had absolute control of the mainstream media channels and activists could not use these means (25). Alqudsi-ghabra states that by using social media, activists were able to break free from the political restrictions that the authoritarian rulers had placed on the mainstream media outlets (151).

The lack of a well-defined network and high mobility in social media made it hard for the government to crackdown on these information outlets. Activists in the Arab Spring made use of the micro blogging site Twitter to share logistical information concerning the times and locations of protests, whereabouts of governments forces, and other police action.

Conclusion

This paper set out to argue that media contributed to the success of the Arab Spring in many countries. It began by highlighting the great power that media has in society due to its ability to address many issues and shape public views. Media brought the events of the Arab Spring to the world’s attention and led to support for the protestors from governments all over the world.

This support encouraged the protestors to engage in activity against their governments. In addition to this, political activism among ordinary citizens was encouraged by media reports. The paper has noted that while traditional media outlets such as television and radio played a significant had an impact on the events of the Arab revolution, social media also contributed especially within the individual countries engaged in the uprising.

The findings of this research suggest that media was responsible for the international support that protesters received during the Arab Spring. It can therefore be stated that media made the greatest contribution to the success of the Arab Spring and the following collapse of some of the repressive regimes.

Works Cited

Alqudsi-ghabra, Taghreed. “Creative Use of Social Media in the Revolutions of Tunisia, Egypt, & Libya.” International Journal of Interdisciplinary Social Sciences 6.6 (2012): 147-158. Web.

Gentz, Natascha, and S. Kramer. Globalization, Cultural Identities, and Media Representations. Canberra: SUNY Press, 2006. Print.

Gupta, Ravi, and H. Brooks. Using Social Media for Global Security. NY: John Wiley & Sons, 2013. Print.

Hanska-Ahy, Maximillian, and R. Shapour. “Who’s Reporting the Protests?: Converging Practices of Citizen Journalists and Two BBC World Service Newsrooms, from Iran’s Election Protests to the Arab Uprisings.” Journalism Studies 13.1 (2012): 1-17. Web.

Laqueur, Walter. “Reality Check: The Hazards of Optimism”. World Affairs 175.6 (2013): 75-83. Web.

Lyombe, Eko. New Media, Old Regimes: Case Studies in Comparative Communication Law and Policy. NY: Lexington Books, 2012. Print.

The Arab Spring at One: A Year of Living Dangerously

In his article “The Arab Spring at One: A Year of Living Dangerously”, Fouad Ajami concentrates on the discussion of the main peculiarities of the phenomenon of the Arab spring which became widely discussed recently. To present his vision of the problem, Fouad Ajami provides the observation of the situation in all the Arab countries where the phenomenon of the Arab awakening could be observed. The main reasons for the process are the desire for political freedom in these countries and the focus on the possible economic progress with references to the growth of opportunities for people (Ajami).

These movements which characterize the Arab spring can be discussed as the attempts to reorganize the despotic regimes and provide the democratic principles at these territories. From this point, it is also important to pay attention to the role of the USA in overcoming the questions of the despotism of the Islamic regimes in the region. Thus, Fouad Ajami presents his opinion on the role of the USA in the process and states that the events connected with the situations in Iraq and Iran can be discussed as the possible causes for the public’s further reaction realized at the other territories of the Arab world (Ajami).

Providing the arguments for his point of view, Fouad Ajami focuses on the general overview of the details of the situation in all the Arab countries in which the violent rebellions became the main approach to stating the principles of democracy in 2011. The first wave of rebellions was associated with the events in Egypt. The author states that the situation in Egypt provoked the development of the tendency with referring to the idea of rebellions as the pan-Arab affair.

The wave of the movement against despotism and democracy also developed in Yemen and Bahrain, but because of the aspects of governance, it was not as successful and significant as in Egypt. Thus, the most important effects of the revolt were realized in Libya where it became possible to rebel against the regime of Muammar al-Qaddafi. Syria with its focus on the ideas of sectarianism also became the center of the anti-despotic movements.

Despite the fact the general visions of the elements of democracy were almost the same in all the countries which participated in the Arab spring, the approaches to their realization were rather different. However, Fouad Ajami also accentuates the combination of the notions which can be discussed as the most influential causes for stimulating the beginning of the rebellions. Thus, it is the problem of despotism and sectarianism which influences the terror and discrimination which are typical for these Arab countries.

Having determined the situation in the Arab countries as the third great awakening, Ajami also indicates the main points of the current situation in the countries which suffered from violent rebellions and the government’s opposition. Thus, today such Arab countries as Egypt, Syria, and Libya only begin to adapt to the new situation and make their further path in the Arab world.

Works Cited

Ajami, Fouad. “The Arab Spring at One: A Year of Living Dangerously”. Foreign Affairs 91.2 (2012): 56-65. Print.