The origin of African American Vernacular English (AAVE) is not associated with any particular theory; instead, there are many explanations of the causes and ways of its origin. However, the most common is The English Origins Hypothesis, which defines the origin of AAVE through its connection to early British dialects. In particular, Winford determines an almost direct connection between the two linguistic phenomena (Winford, 2015). In this essay, I express solidarity with this position and focus on the possibilities of its use with other related hypotheses.
The English Origins Hypothesis
The English Origins Hypothesis (EOH) is described as a Neo-English hypothesis that evolved as the sociocultural context of the African American community was defined. It is the product of a mixture of English vocabulary with African pronunciation and, in part, grammar, which emerged in what, is now the United States with the beginning of the intensive importation of enslaved people. Specifically, the hypothesis builds on the fact that AAVE uses the ending -s in the context of the third person plural, which was noted in Scottish-Irish dialects in Ulster as of the early 18th century (Herk, 2015). This was done by comparing letters: thus, the semi-literate African-American population of the 19th century and their letters were contrasted with the Scots-Irish immigrants (Herk, 2015). The established similarities made it possible to assess the similarity of languages and formulate a hypothesis. The results established common nous and relative pronouns; existential linguistic aspects were also similar.
Pros and Cons of EOH
Like any hypothesis, EOH has both advantages and disadvantages compared to the other common hypothesis, Creole descent. On the plus side, there is genuinely documented and reliable knowledge of the date of the letters. Also, the letters belong to African Americans who were not writers. The sample size to support the EOH hypothesis is also acceptable (Herk, 2015). However, the disadvantages include the representativeness of these letters, which is questionable because of the small percentage of the African American population who could read and write. In addition, the socio-demographic characteristics of the sample are not specified.
As previously argued, the Creole hypothesis is contrasted with the EOH. According to this hypothesis, AAVE emerged due to the emergence of Creole languages, a new means of communication that evolved through language contact (Rickford, 2015). In particular, the lack of bundling was one of the well-studied structures and played a crucial role in developing and further arguing the Creole hypothesis (How did AAL develop?). This means that formed language norms were tested and adapted to unique grammatical norms.
Personal Attitude
My opinion regarding the emergence of these theories is based on the claim that EOH prevails over the other hypotheses. I believe that its evidence, despite all its minuses, is more extensive. Moreover, they lend themselves to explanation and interpretation in the context of modern English. At the same time, to explain the context of AAVE’s origin fully, one has to synthesize it with Creole theory. The most complete and plausible version of the origin of AAVE will be obtained by identifying each strategically correct variant of language development. In particular, an independent grammatical adaptation should be taken from the Creole hypothesis, and the socio-historical context of the slave system should be taken from the EOH.
Conclusion
Thus, AAVE results from a synthesis of various linguistic contacts between social groups. Among all the theories of origin, The English Origins Hypothesis dominates, indicating the presence of direct connections between AAVE and British dialects. It is opposed by the Creole hypothesis that sees AAVE as a separate entity. Although I maintain that EOH dominates and plays a more significant role in forming AAVE, both theories should be considered to form a complete picture.
Reference List
Herk, G. V. (2015) ‘The English origins hypothesis’, in Bloomquist, J., Green, L.J. and Lanehart, S.L. (eds.) The oxford handbook of African American language.
Rickford, J. R. (2015) ‘The creole origins hypothesis’, in Bloomquist, J., Green, L.J. and Lanehart, S.L. (eds.) The Oxford Handbook of African American Language.
Winford, D. (2015) ‘The origins of African American vernacular English: Beginnings’ in Bloomquist, J., Green, L.J. and Lanehart, S.L. (eds.) The oxford handbook of African American language.
In the United States, there is disproportionate incarceration of the African American men in the criminal justice system. Owing to the long period of incarceration and the crackdown on drug traffickers, the criminal justice system has the highest rate of incarceration in the world. The enactment of stringent laws significantly contributed to the long period of incarceration. Although the enforcement of the law is impartial, the criminal justice system appears to have disproportionate incarceration of the African Americans. Statistics show that 10.4% of African Americans, who have the ages ranging from 25 to 29 years, were incarcerated, which is significantly higher when compared to 1.2% of White men and 2.4% of Hispanic men (Thomas & Sampson, 2005).
These statistics imply that there are racial factors that cause disproportionate incarcerations of criminals in the criminal justice system. The incarceration of the African American men has become evident in that Thomas and Sampson (2005) state that, “on a given day, nearly 1 in 3 (32.2%) African American men aged 20-29 years, is either in prison or jail or on probation or on parole” (p. 55). These statistics depict the effects of racial factors on the distribution of crime and incarceration process of the criminal justice system.
The proposal examines the topic of incarceration because it is an issue of cultural diversity in the criminal justice system of the United States. The disproportionate incarceration of the African American men is an important topic of cultural diversity because it indicates the influence of culture, social, and societal forces on individuals in the society. Given the statistics of incarceration, it is evident that cultural factors play a central role in the incarceration of the African American men.
Since the crackdown on drug offenders have led to an exponential increase in prison population, the criminal justice system is biased in the incarceration process because it does not consider cultural values and beliefs that predispose certain race to commit certain crimes. Nagel (2007) asserts that incarceration of African Americans from the perspective of the perpetrators rather than victims is not effective in deterring drug offenders. In this view, the criminal justice system should reassess the philosophy of incarceration and consider cultural factors that predispose African American men to commit crimes such as drug abuse and drug trafficking, which are the main reasons of their incarceration in the criminal justice system. In essence, the incarceration philosophy should reflect the cultural diversity because cultural beliefs, norms, and traditions contribute to the occurrence of crimes in the society.
Given the disproportionate incarceration of African American men, the research paper seeks to find out what are its causes. In this view, the study will examine why the African American men experience higher rates of incarceration than White men and Latino men in the United States. To establish the reasons for the disproportionate incarceration, the research paper will examine incidences of prison sentences, convictions, criminal prosecutions, and incarceration period of men from the three races, namely, African American, Hispanic, and the White.
Analysis of the factors that relate to the criminal activities of the three races will elucidate why African American men commit crimes and how the criminal justice system handles them. Moreover, the research paper will examine the racial composition of the criminal justice system in terms of lawyers, judges, and lawmakers. The racial composition of the criminal justice system will shed additional light on the nature of racial inequality, which contributes to the disproportionate incarceration of African American men.
Disproportionate Incarceration of African American Men: The Proposal
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Outline
Introduction
Causes of incarceration
Incidences of incarceration
Factors and Variables Associated With Offenders
Proportion of lawyers, judges, and lawmakers
Consequences of disproportionate incarceration
Possible Solutions to Disproportionate Incarceration
Conclusion
Introduction
The disproportionate incarceration of the African American men in the criminal justice system of the United States is a social issue, which occurs due to cultural and racial factors. Although the African Americans constitute about 12% of the population in the United States, their proportion in prisons is about 40% (Thomas, & Sampson, 2005). These statistics indicate that the African American men are likely to commit crimes when compared with men from other races. Since a significant number of African American men abuse drugs, they represent a considerable proportion of drug offenders. The enactment of stringent laws, which aimed at curbing drug abuse, is the major cause of the increasing rates of incarceration in the United States. To examine the issue of disproportionate incarceration of African American men, cultural approach is imperative.
The cultural factors that surround the African Americans and perceptions that other races hold about their culture could be increasing the likelihood of African American men to commit crimes. According to Fellner (2009), proponents of ‘drug war’ do not perceive the incarceration as a form of discrimination, but they perceive it as a way of protecting the minority groups from violence, crimes, and drug addiction. Therefore, this research paper seeks to examine cultural factors that contribute to the disproportionate incarceration of the African American men in the United States.
Causes of Incarceration
The disproportionate incarceration of the African American men results from a number of causes, which are stereotypes, racial discrimination, and economic factors. Most of the African American inmates are drug offenders because they abuse and traffic drugs. Tonry and Melewski (2008) argue that although the Whites and the Blacks are drug offenders, the offending patterns exhibit some racial elements. Analysis of the drug abuse patterns between the Blacks and the Whites shows that the rates of drug abuse are not proportional to the rates of incarceration. According to Tonry and Melewski (2008), law enforcement agents have stereotyped that African Americans are prone to be criminals and thus deserve harsh treatment in the criminal justice system so that they can change their behaviors. Therefore, such perceptions explain why African American men experience higher rates of incarceration than men from other racial backgrounds.
In the aspect of racial discrimination, African Americans have endured discrimination in the United States. Although the African Americans constitute about 12% of the population, their population of inmates is about 40%, and thus depicts the extent of racial discrimination. The enforcement of legislations that deal with drugs has taken a racial orientation because it unfairly targets the African Americans men (Fellner, 2009).
Even though the criminal justice system appears to be advocating for the rights of the minority groups by protecting them from drug abuse, violence, and related crimes, it disproportionately incarcerates them. In essence, the incarceration philosophy that the criminal justice system uses is ineffective and discriminating. The incarceration philosophy is ineffective because it does not consider the cultural and economic backgrounds of the African Americans. Moreover, the incarceration philosophy is discriminating because it only targets African American men.
Economic factors also predispose African American men to crimes such as violence, drug abuse, and robbery. In urban areas, the African Americans continue to experience inequalities in the labor sector, as a considerable number of them do not have decent jobs. White Americans and Latinos have dominated the jobs leaving African Americans jobless. The impoverishing conditions under which Black men live make them resort to crimes as a way of earning their livelihood. Livingston and Nahimana (2006) report that 35-55% of African Americans with ages between 18 and 35 years are unemployed in urban areas.
These statistics imply that African Americans have high rates of poverty, unstable families, and low levels of education. Tonry and Melewski (2008) affirm that when judges assess criminal records and recidivism rates, African American men deserve incarceration because they have unstable families, lack formal employment, and have low educational levels when compared to their counterparts in other races. Such attributes make judges to incarcerate them rather than put under probation.
Incidences of Incarceration
The statistics of incarceration vary according to races of perpetrators. By the year 2003, the convictions of violence were 27.7%, 26.1%, and 34.9% among Blacks, Whites, and Hispanics respectively. Moreover, the convictions of drugs are 30.5%, 25.5%, and 30.6%, while the convictions of robbery are 10.4%, 4.7%, and 8.3% among the Blacks, Whites, and Hispanics respectively (Tonry & Melewski, 2008). These statistics point out that the African Americans have the highest offender rates in drugs and robbery. Overall, “among Whites, 53.7% were committed for violent, drug, or gun crimes, compared with 69.4% of Black offenders” (Tonry & Melewski, 2008, p. 30). Thus, the incidences of crimes among the Black men partly contribute to their high rates of incarceration in relation to White men.
Prison sentences also vary across the races in the United States due to racial discrimination that is evident in the criminal justice system. In 2006, Imprisonment rate of the Blacks was 2,661, while that of the Whites was 453 (Tonry & Melewski, 2008). The ratio for the imprisonment of the Whites and the Blacks is 1 to 5, which implies that the Blacks are five times more likely to face imprisonment than the Whites. The disproportionate imprisonment of the Black men indicates that the criminal justice system applies crime control policies unfairly against the Black men. Additionally, since the Blacks have higher rates of recidivism owing to poor social support, they serve for a longer period in prisons than the Whites and Hispanics. What cause the Black men to serve long sentences are Afrocentric features, which emanate from stereotypes and racial prejudices. Tonry and Melewski (2008) highlight that, “Afrocentric features were associated with longer prison sentences and increased frequency of capital sentencing” (p. 22). Hence, judges and lawyers use Afrocentric features in determining the nature of the sentence, which offenders deserve.
Factors and Variables Associated With Offenders
The major factors and variables associated with offenders are demographic variables, education level, employment status, and drug abuse. Demographic variables such as gender and age are the dominant factors that determine predisposition of the Black men to crimes. Thomas and Sampson (2005) state that about a third the Black men aged between 20 and 29 years are offenders. Regarding the educational level, the Black men, who have low education levels, are more likely to offend than the ones with high levels of education.
Since employment status determines economic empowerment of people, the poor Black men, who do not have meaningful forms of employment and decent lives, are likely to commit crimes such as violence and robbery. Unemployment relate to unstable families because unemployed men leave their families to languish in poverty and increase delinquency among children, which are recipes for increased crimes in the society. Unstable families and poverty increase frustrations that compel parents and children to abuse drugs.
Proportion of Lawyers, Judges, and Lawmakers
The African Americans are underrepresented in the criminal justice system and in politics. In the criminal justice system, the proportion of African American judges and lawyers in the criminal justice is about 6%, while the proportion of the lawmakers is approximately 8%, yet they constitute around 12% of the population. Comparatively, the proportion of the white lawyers and judges is about 75%, yet they comprise around 72% of the population (Tonry & Melewski, 2008). These figures show that the proportions of lawyers, judges, and lawmakers do not represent the respective racial quotas. Nagel (2007) notes that the skewed representation the African Americans has contributed to the enactment of biased legislations and discrimination in the criminal justice system. Therefore, racial discrimination due to poor representation of the African Americans contributes to the disproportionate incarceration of the Black men in the United States.
Consequences of Disproportionate Incarceration
It is probable that a majority of Americans have their trust in the criminal justice system, and when justice is unattainable through it the system, it becomes a concern (Livingston & Nahimana, 2006). The disproportionate imprisonment of the blacks motivated by unethical practices and prejudice within the criminal justice system, have several consequences on the Black American community.
Research indicates that at least one member in every three Black Americans has suffered unjust incarceration or is currently in prison (Livingston & Nahimana, 2006). Perhaps the rising rates of criminals among the Black Americans, as cited by many researchers may have resulted from the issue of disproportionate imprisonment amongst them. As the trend of injustice continues and becomes realized among the Blacks, such imprisonments are unjust as the possibility of offenders forming retaliation against federal policies increases (Fellner, 2009). Unjust incarceration of individuals make them to resist laws by forming criminal gangs, which cause even worse consequences on the Black American families.
Disproportionate incarceration affects the Black American communities economically, as frequent imprisonment deprive families of their economic stability (Fellner, 2009). The majority of the disproportionately incarcerated Black American men are youngsters and juveniles aged 18-34, and they often spend their substantial period of their teenage in prison. Approximately 10% of Black American men of ages 25-29 are serving prison sentences, which are considerably longer than the period of the Whites (Livingston & Nahimana, 2006). Less than 5% of them serve on parole or probation basis as courts unjustly place serious charges on them.
Incarcerating of Black American youngsters, who are still economically productive destroys their lifetime ambitions and future expectations. While the White American young men are completing school, university courses, gaining professional growth, shaping their careers, and developing their families, the human capital of Black American men are decaying in prisons (Livingston & Nahimana, 2006). Prior to leaving the prisons after completing the lengthy jail terms, the economic lives of jailed Blacks men hardly improve.
Coupled with the unending economic discrimination between the Whites and the Blacks, the Black men normally come out of prisons and face serious challenges in adjusting to the society. “Boys reared in communities plagued by poverty, limited opportunities, and high rates of incarceration enter the adult world economically and politically emasculated” (Livingston & Nahimana, 2006, p. 211). Apart from affecting the economic development of the Black Americans, unequal imprisonment leaves their communities politically and socially disenfranchised. Black Americans remain affected socially as frequent prejudice, especially one that involves the criminal justice system, affects their social development due to fear of intimidation and unjust imprisonment (Fellner, 2009).
Currently, approximately 450, 000 of the two million prisoners, comprising the majority of the Black Americans are in federal prisons for alleged nonviolent drug offenses and about 25-33% of incarcerated Black Americans are lifetime prisoners (Fellner, 2009). Such a population is considerably skewed and Black communities become disintegrated; and hence, social and political structures of the Black Americans, as a minority community, crumble.
Possible Solutions to Disproportionate Incarceration
Unequal imprisonment of Black Americans is unethical as it does not only ruins the lives of the Black Americans, but affects the national economy of the United States, as maintaining the prisons containing unjustly incarcerated persons seem uneconomical (Fellner, 2009).
This is in contrast to the view of Americans, who have tended to perceive the United States as the guardian of fairness and justice. Several solutions can help to reduce disproportionate incarceration practices against the Black Americans in the criminal justice system. The American government should enhance the education of Black Americans through school programs that aim at empowering them so that they can gain employment, avoid drug abuse, and also improve their lives economically (Fellner, 2009).
Many alleged drug dealers and Black prisoners have low education that predisposes them to economic, social, and political prejudice. Improving their educational status would help them understand their human rights; and hence, improve their legal defense in the criminal justice system (Fellner, 2009). Realigning of the entire criminal justice system, including law courts and prisons would greatly ameliorate the manner in which they serve the American population.
Another significant way to reduce disproportionate incarceration is to reform legal advocacy systems. Some cases of unjust imprisonment that occur violate the principles of diversity as sometimes judicial officers apply sentencing philosophies, which are discriminating (Livingston & Nahimana, 2006). Proper advocacy of reforms in the criminal justice system will significantly help the application of sentencing philosophies in a fair manner, which does not constitute discrimination of offenders based on their racial backgrounds (Fellner, 2009).
Together with strategies of enhancing legal advocacy, drug abuse is the most misused stereotype against the black Americans. Hence, the government should approach the issue of drug trafficking and drug abuse from a cultural and racial perspective. The government should deal with real drug barons to avoid incarcerating the Black Americans on offenses that are beyond their control. According to Fellner (2009), such approaches that aim at reducing drug abuse would help in reducing disproportionate incarceration and remove stereotypes of drug abuse that predispose the Blacks to unjust incarceration.
Conclusion
Disproportionate incarceration of African American men is a social issue that has cultural and racial undertones. The stereotypes, racial discrimination, and poverty compel African American men to commit crimes. Statistics indicate that African Americans men have the highest convictions in drug, violence, and gun crimes. The attributes that make African American men to commit crimes are their ages, education levels, unemployment status, and drug abuse. The skewed proportions of lawyers, judges, and lawyers have significant impact in the enactment of legislations and their application. Therefore, to prevent disproportionate incarceration, education of the young men, the provision of employment, elimination of discrimination in the criminal justice system, and reduction of drug abuse are important corrective measures.
References
Fellner, J. (2009). Race, drugs, and law enforcement in the United States. Stanford Law & Policy Review, 20(2), 257-291. Web.
Livingston, J., & Nahimana, C. (2006). Problem child or problem context: An ecological approach to young Black males. Reclaiming Children and Youth, 14(4), 209-214. Web.
Nagel, M. (2007). Anti-Black racism, gender, and abolitionist politics. A Journal of Social Justice, 23(1), 304-3012. Web.
Thomas, J. & Sampson, L. (2005). High rates of incarceration as a social force associated with community rates of sexually transmitted infection. The Journal of Infectious Diseases, 191(1), 55-60. Web.
Tonry, M., & Melewski, M. (2008). The malign effects of drug and crime control policies on Black Americans. Crime and Justice, 37(1), 1-44. Web.
Seek out the origin of the term Jim Crow Laws and you will understand the root cause of injustice and cruelty in the Southern states. Jim Crow stands for the controversial rulings and decrees that were created by legal institutions in the South, between the years 1877 and 1965. This label was adapted from a song and dance routine that became popular in the 1820s. Thomas Dartmouth a white actor appeared on stage with a “blackface” after darkening his cheeks, chin, forehead, and neck area with burnt cork (Tischauser, 2012). His performance as Jim Crow depicted an elderly black slave, a person mired in poverty, illiteracy, and insecurity. Dartmouth revealed the inspiration for the said character when he encountered an elderly black slave singing slave songs. He added the last name Crow because crows are black (Tischauser, 2012). After examining the narratives of African Americans who suffered under a segregated society, one can understand the negative consequences of the Jim Crow laws.
The Narratives
For this study, the narratives describing the lifestyle of people in the segregated South were lifted from two interviews. Irene Monroe, a long-time resident of Alabama since the 1940s provided the first interview. David Matthews, a son of a sharecropper and a long-time resident of Mississippi was the resource person for the second interview. Monroe and Matthews were able to provide legitimate eyewitness testimony of the impact of the Jim Crow laws because they were young adults at the time when the strict implementation of the segregation laws was at its peak.
Commonalities between the Two Narratives
Monroe and Matthews described a world wherein African Americans were treated as second-class citizens. Monroe recalled a time when parents hid their children from government officials. She knew of a family with seven children, but when school officials came to visit, the mother pretended that she only had two children. Monroe discovered later that parents were suspicious of government officials. They thought that the government had the power to force their children to join the army. In the South, the human rights of the ruling elite were protected by the Bill of Rights. No one had the power to deny white people of life and liberty without due process. However, the black mother’s palpable fear cannot deny the reality that black folks were in danger of losing their right to life and liberty if white politicians wanted to exploit them.
Black people in Alabama and Mississippi did not share the same rights and privileges as white people. Matthews and Monroe spoke about facilities and buildings that were off-limits to those with dark skin. Monroe remembered the time when a famous black musician was unable to sleep in one of the hotels in downtown Alabama because colored people were not allowed to avail of the said accommodation. This assertion that blacks were treated as second class citizens is supported by historical facts. In fact, Jim Crow laws denied them the right to vote (Brown & Stentiford, 2008).
Both narratives shared common ground when it comes to social injustices committed against colored folks. Monroe and Matthews shared stories about the hurdles that they had to overcome in order to enjoy quality education. Matthews recalled the time when black children had only access to four months of a basic education each year, while their white counterparts enjoyed nine months of quality learning every year. Monroe also described bleak learning conditions in schools for black children. As a result, colored people gave up hope to enter a world of learning that was inaccessible to black Southerners (Berrey, 2015).
Differences between the Two Narratives
David Matthews described a black and white world separated by a distinct color line. Black people were not permitted to cross the said line. In Matthews’s narrative, there was no gray area (Duke University Digital Collections, 1995). Matthews described the white people’s treatment of colored people in terms of the lack of respect and dignity. However, the situation was not as bleak in the narrative of Irene Monroe.
Monroe described events wherein black people were able to share a dining area with white folks (Duke University Digital Collections, 1994). Monroe said that in the business establishments that she managed, blacks and whites were able to co-exist peacefully. Black people were able to buy the same burger and meat products that white people were able to enjoy. Without a doubt, there were restaurants and hotels that black people were not permitted to enter and use. However, there were areas when colored people can intermingle with white people. Monroe also described events wherein a white woman was trying to improve the school system that was created for black children.
Conclusion
Jim Crow laws had a devastating effect on the lives of black people. Social injustice and lack of access to quality education were just some of the consequences of the statutes and ordinances that segregated black and whites. Eyewitness accounts corroborated the conclusions made by historians and writers that published their observations and discoveries after the end of the Civil Rights Movement (Busbee, 2015). However, it is also important to point out that Jim Crow laws did not succeed in preventing white people from demonstrating acts of kindness. In many areas there was a clear dividing line, however, there were some instances wherein tolerance and respect characterized the reaction of some white folks when they interacted with the members of the black community.
References
Berrey, S. (2015). The Jim Crow routine. North Carolina: The University of North Carolina Press.
Brown, N., & Stentiford, B. (2008). The Jim Crow encyclopedia. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press.
Busbee, W. (2015). Mississippi: A history. Malden, MA: John Wiley & Sons.
Duke University Digital Collections. (1995). David Matthews interview transcript. Web.
Duke University Digital Collections. (1994). Irene Monroe interview transcript. Web.
Tischauser, V. (2012). Jim Crow laws. CA: ABC-CLIO.
As one of the greatest African American thinkers and philosophers, William Edward Du Bois presented numerous ideas in an attempt to improve the welfare of his people. One of his masterpieces is “The Souls of Black Folk”. In this book, Du Bois examines the plight of many African Americans and offers meaningful approaches to supporting their living conditions. Du Bois writes passionately about the spirit and hope of many African Americans. The author emphasizes the humanity, passion, and strength of the African American citizen despite the challenges experienced by the race in the country (Du Bois 12).
This discussion explores the suggestions presented by William Du Bois towards improving the social, economic, cultural, and racial welfare of the African American community. The essay goes further to present the opposing views presented by Booker T. Washington.
William DU Bois: Means to Improve the Conditions of African Americans
The author begins the book by stating that “the problem of the twentieth century is the problem of the color-line” (Du Bois 3). The book gives a detailed analysis of the progress and hurdles experienced by the African American racial group. The author shows conclusively that members of this racial group encountered numerous obstacles. For example, the book indicates that the “history of the American Negro is that of strife” (Du Bois 8).
Such obstacles make it impossible for them to realize their potentials. However, Du Bois indicates clearly that there are numerous potentials for these African Americans in the 21st century. According to the text, the outstanding contribution of the Freedmen’s Bureau was the creation of African American schools (Du Bois 18). Du Bois goes further to describe why Booker T. Washington’s efforts supported the idea of race relations was counterproductive. This was the case because Washington chose to accept the idea of racial segregation.
Du Bois goes further to explain how different policies damaged the welfare and growth of many African Americans. Some laws made it impossible for these African Americans to vote. Consequently, these individuals lost their status in society. The government had failed to support the education of many minorities including African Americans. Failure to access quality education made it impossible for more African Americans to realize their potentials (Du Bois 43).
The right to vote, according to Du Bois, is a critical approach towards empowering more members of his race. This freedom will make it easier for them to engage in political activities, elect competent leaders, and eventually focus on the best economic activities (Du Bois 87). The positive achievements recorded by members of this community explain why Du Bois’ ideas have remained meaningful and applicable. The right to vote can improve people’s social, cultural, and economic positions.
The book supports the importance of civic equality (Du Bois 55). Equality is a powerful strategy that can open up new opportunities and ensure every African American focuses on the best activities. A society that promotes equality will realize most of its potentials (Du Bois 56). This fact explains why civic equality is supported as one of the best approaches towards promoting the social and economic welfare of many African Americans.
William Du Bois goes further to explain why African Americans should be empowered to pursue their educational goals. Members of this racial group should be able to attain a sophisticated higher education. The opportunity can make it possible for them to reap the goods associated with human civilization. Consequently, educated African Americans will eventually find it easier to educate their children (Du Bois 99). This practice can play a positive role in supporting the welfare, economic progress, and social identity of this racial group.
Du Bois believes strongly that this task should not be left in the hands of the whites. Instead, African American schools can be created to ensure more people have access to quality education. The learning process should also be personalized to suit the abilities of the targeted African American students. The strategy can play a critical role in supporting the progress of these African Americans. Du Bois believes that “institutions of higher learning should be able to teach quality education in an attempt to produce skilled men” (Du Bois 99).
In chapter thirteen, the author narrates the story of a young man named John. This young African American man manages to attain the best education despite the odds existing in the country. His knowledge and abilities explain how education can support the needs of many African Americans. Despite the challenges arising from racism, Du Bois believes strongly that education is a powerful tool capable of promoting the welfare of many African Americans (Du Bois 102).
The author writes that “the hard tales of cruelty and mistreatment of the chained freemen are told” (Du Bois 125). This fact explains why new changes are critical towards transforming the social position and economic welfare of many minority groups in the country. The most important thing is to “promote singular wisdom and patience” (Du Bois 103). The author believes that all “races are to live for many years side by side, united in economic effort, and obeying a common government” (Du Bois 104). Towards the end of the text, Du Bois uses music to symbolize a better future whereby more African Americans will improve their cultural positions in the country.
Booker T. Washington’s Critique
Although Booker T. Washington did not openly criticize Du Bois’ concepts and ideas towards improving the social, racial, economic, and cultural conditions of African Americans, he presented specific strategies that have been analyzed by many historians. African American activists supported agriculture as the best approach to uplifting the lives of many people in the community. The thinker focused on material progress in an attempt to support the needs of many African Americans. He supported a unique education system that would ensure more African Americans engaged in agricultural practices. Industrial education was supported by Washington in an attempt to ensure more African Americans had their businesses and lands.
From the very beginning, Booker T. Washington believed strongly in education. According to him, education could make it easier for more people to achieve their goals and eventually lead comfortable lives. He went ahead to discourage every effort aimed at maximizing the people’s civil rights (Washington 52). These ideologies explain why the scholar attracted the opposition of many African American thinkers and intellectuals such as William Du Bois. Despite such issues and differences, many anthropologists treat Booker T. Washington as a hero who fought for the rights of many minorities. His efforts have been admired by many people because he educated and united more African Americans than his predecessors.
DU Bois’ Presumed Defense
One of the outstanding facts is that William Du Bois treated Booker T. Washington as a great intellectual who played a positive role in supporting the black race. However, Du Bois uses the chapter “Of Booker T. Washington and Others” to examine the weaknesses of the ideas presented by this spokesman. Du Bois argues that Washington’s decision to support segregation affected the welfare of many African Americans. The old approach suggested by Booker T. Washington played a significant role in the loss of voting rights. Consequently, many African Americans were unable to access quality education (Washington 19).
These issues made it impossible for many members of the race to realize their economic potentials. Consequently, Du Bois presented new ideas and arguments in an attempt to support the progress of the African American community.
Conclusion
The successes and achievements recorded by many African Americans in the 21st century can be attributed to the ideas of different activists such as Booker T. Washington and William Du Bois. These great intellectuals worked tirelessly in an attempt to every future descendant led a better life. By so doing, future African American generations would find it easier to realize their social and economic goals. From a personal perspective, I strongly believe that Du Bois’ ideas have played a positive role in improving the social, cultural, racial, and economic positions of many African Americans (Du Bois 100).
This thinker supported the role of voting rights, civic liberties, and education in an attempt to support the welfare of more people. These aspects and notions are believed to have catalyzed the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s. The arguments by William Du Bois are applicable and relevant compared to those of Booker T. Washington. These lessons encouraged more African Americans to fight against the concepts of greed, corruption, and imperialism exercised by many whites in American society.
Works Cited
Du Bois, William. Souls of Black Folk, New York, NY: Pocket Books, 2005. Print.
Washington, Booker. Up From Slavery, Mineola, NY: Dover Publications, 1995. Print.
African Americans also known as Afro-Americans or Black Americans are citizens or residents of the United States bearing origins from any of the black populations of Africa. There was huge discrepancies of occupation of black Americans and the natives in distribution of work as it is has been discussed by (Amott and Matthaei, 158) which is summarized herein below on the distribution of African American workers from 1900-1060:
The trend in agricultural sector shows a decline in its populace involved in agriculture actively.
In the manufacturing sector, the trend is upwards with the percentage representation of African Americans increasing with time.
Private household’s service has a declining trend as women have been revolutionized with time and are now involved in other jobs outside the house.
Private household sales also experience a decline due to women moving to the public domain (Amott and Matthaei, 156).
Clerical occupations have an up swing due to African Americans getting adequate education and now match the standards required of these jobs.
Professional and technical jobs also see many African Americans engaging in due to the revolutions and anti racist movements that broke the yoke of discrimination.
Managerial, administrative and official positions have seen a decline due to hardcore racism that is still attached to holding such positions with regards to African Americans.
Some of the reasons why the African American has been in the bottom ranks for jobs are discussed here below:
Racial segregation: it has a declining trend due to anti racist movements which have received considerable impacts in America. By 1640’s, a racial caste system began to develop and the blacks were coerced into life lifetime servitudes as slaves ((Amott and Matthaei, 143). This was reinforced by the Virginia law which stipulated that the child of any slave automatically became slaves too without regards to whether the father was also slave or not.
This law portrayed racism, greed, piety and sexism intensifying vulnerability of women to exploitation. Colonists who owned property also classified African Americans into economic and subordinate cartels. This led to escalations in racism with ideologies that prevented the people from the southern from forming unions against the white elites from the region. Europeans developed racial superiority theories to afford justifications to race promotions hence claiming rationality and self control. Others included voter restraint/disenfranchisement in the southern states, deprival to economic achievements or national resources.
Overt Discrimination: Deliberate racial discrimination which comes from hiring is still evident. Employers were reluctant to offer interviews where they suspected the applicant to be a black. In fact, as revealed in chapter six of this book young Black men were generally taken for criminals and denied jobs by employers.
However, the legacy of racism, slavery and discrimination, African Americans were top in educational, economic and social disadvantage in a variety of areas as compared to European Americans.Unbelievable political, economic, and social concerns revolving around the generation that was segregated captures inadequacy in health services; institutional racism, criminal justice, and others resulting from accommodation, policing, education, and employment.
Systemic or Institutional Reasons: With disregards to the individual attitudes, systemic/ institutional reasons remain pronounced at the time obvious discrimination was present among the greater African American workers population who were not employed (Matthaei and Amott, 150). The discussed exposes gravity of the deliberate decisions made by the employer.
Most jobs could be got only through connections. The book cites how personal networks helped job seekers and the one who hired. The fact that African Americans had less personal contacts intensified their discrimination in getting a job. Majority of our people, entry level has lost its meaning. It means dead end’, says Rodney Glenn.” Education: They were denied education hence no provisions for alternatives. Union representation was poor –they were not allowed to form unions.Hence their voices could not be adequately championed.
Civil rights movements strived to achieve self reliance both economically and politically. They were able to achieve it through the Black power movement which was formed in 1966 whose main objectives was to be liberated from the authority of the whites.
Work Cited
Amott, Teresa and Matthaei, Julie. Race, Gender, and Work: A Multi-Cultural Economic History of Women in the United States Quebec: Black Rose Books Ltd. 1991.
Racism occurred many years ago, and millions of Afro-Americans suffered from it. Many writers represented Afro-Americans as a lower stratum of society. Furthermore, there were many Black people, who were ashamed of their racial identity and of the pieces of art that Afro-Americans created. However, many poems and essays were written that illustrated the truth about the life of Afro-Americans and the pressure they faced. Langston Hughes was a white writer who created a true definition of African Americans. The essays of Marcus Garvey followed Hughes’s definition, and he created an accurate picture of the lives of Afro-Americans by illustrating problems, racial pressure faced by these people daily, and possible improvements.
Marcus Garvey was a hero for millions of African Americans and faced racial inequality, so he created an accurate picture of his nation in his works. Marcus Harvey wrote brief essays describing the realities of the life of Afro-Americans. This author believed in the power of these people, and he promoted ideas of gathering all Black people together. In his essays, Garvey promotes ideas for creating an independent territory for Afro-Americans. For instance, in “Africa for Africans,” he stated that all Black people should focus on creating a great nation in Africa (Andrews et al. 986). In this case, Marcus Garvey created an accurate picture of African Americans lives because Western politicians implemented thoughts on colonizing Africa by Africans. Langston Hughes also stated that each Black person should be proud of their racial identity and that they should fight for their right and these ideas were discussed by Marcus Garvey (Hughes 43). For example, the author emphasized that improvements for Black people could be made due to the changes in Western politicians’ plans for Africa (Andrews et al. 987). Therefore, Marcus Garvey described the actual conditions of African Americans’ life and fought for their improvement.
The key term of the Harlem Renaissance was race solidarity and pride, which are seen in Marcus Garveys essays. The author illustrated the achievements of the UNIA and stated that all goals might be achieved if Afro-Americans would cooperate (Andrews et al. 987). In comparison with “Philadelphia clubwoman,” which was criticized by Langston Hughes for her inability to accept her race, Marcus was proud of being Black, so Hughes and Garvey had quite the same views on racial identity (Hughes 43). Marcus Garvey announced the thoughts of many Afro-Americans to have their territory with their own rules, so he accepted himself as a Black man. For instance, in the essay “The Dream of a Negro Empire,” he emphasized that many Afro-Americans genuinely believed that Africa would be wholly colonized by them (Andrews et al. 987). This statement describes the hopes of many Black people in those days, so Marcus Garvey was one of the authors who created an accurate picture of African Americans lives. Hence, Garveys assumptions were based on his personal experience and the beliefs of the majority of Afro-Americans so that Marcus could create an accurate picture of the Afro-Americans’ lives and followed Hughes definition.
To sum up, Marcus Garvey wrote many essays which illustrated the accurate picture of the life of Afro-Americans and followed Hughes definition. The author was proud of being African American and felt race solidarity, which was the critical element of the Harlem Renaissance. In addition, Marcus Harvey made different conclusions based on those days’ realities in his essays and showed the acceptance of his identity, so he suited Hughes description of being Black. Lastly, he created an accurate picture by demonstrating the achievements of different organizations aimed to promote the racial pride of Black people.
Works Cited
Henry Louis Gates, Jr., general editor, Nellie Y. McKay, general editor. The Norton Anthology of African-American Literature Third Edition, edited by Henry Louis Gates Junior and Valerie Smith, Norton & Company, 2014, pp. 984-987.
Hughes, Langston. The Negro artist and the racial mountain, 1926, pp. 55-59
The culture of the American South has a rather dubious legacy in regard to the relationship toward African American people. Due to the history of racism and persecutions of African Americans during the times of slavery and racial discrimination, the South represents a rather controversial location for most African American writers. The complex nature of the relationships between African American authors and the American South as the heart of the U.S. traditions and simultaneously the source of the racist ideology that led to the discriminatory attitudes and slavery in the first place, the South is often portrayed with a combination of wistfulness and pain in African American literature.
The depiction of the American South as the core source of American traditions and the place where the cultural elements of the American narrative originate from, the South is described in the stories of African American writers rather vividly. For example, Fredrick Douglas portrays the South as the place that has a dark and troubling legacy of slavery and racism. The autobiographic style of the narrative and the simple layout, with few attempts at embellishing the narrative, make the story extremely powerful and leave an honestly depressing feeling. The author does not attempt at adding artistic elements to the story to emphasize particular aspects of his life but, instead, uses a rather plain language adds the impression of complete honesty and a clear need to tell his story in the way that will lead to the complete understanding between the narrator and the reader. As a result, the narrative gains a very realistic tone, with the descriptions of injustice and racism, which were common in the U.S. at the time, all the more tragic. For instance, the simple line “My mother and I were separated when I was but an infant” speaks of the true tragedy in an immediately understandable way (Douglas 242). Thus, Douglas manages to capture the dark legacy of the American South quite vividly in his novel.
However, the other side of the American South as the place where racial prejudices and related issues were born is also reflected in African American writers’ books. For instance, rendering the painful legacy of slavery that is baked into a very narrative of the African American culture in the South, Walker addresses the problem of racism that African American people face in the South. These ideas ring powerfully in her words: “I want no mobs to wrench me from my southern rest; no/forms to take me in the night and burn my shack/and make for me a nightmare full of oil and flame” (Walker 260). However, Walker simultaneously acknowledges the fragile beauty of the southern landscape and the inspirational environment that invites her to delve into a nostalgic reminiscence of her youth: “I want my body bathed again by southern suns, my soul/reclaimed again from southern land” (Walker 260). Therefore, the dal nature of the South as the place where African American culture and spirituality thrived amidst racism and prejudices is emphasized outstandingly.
A similar sentiment is expressed in Hurston’s works, where the problematic aspects of the South are portrayed in all their unabashed plainness and simplicity. However, unlike Walker, who admits that there is a poetic charm to the Southern landscape, Hurston outlines the social struggle in which African Americans had to participate in order to fight for their rights, namely, the right to be seen as equal human beings. Hurston portrays the South as the environment that is extremely hostile to change. Although Hurston acknowledges the importance of traditions in her writing, she also emphasizes what toll they have on African American women: “Wild cane on the other side of the road hiding the rest of the world. People wild too” (Hurston 306). Thus, Hurston’s work shows that the reality of the South has a very strong meaning for African Americans, namely, African American women. Outlining the problematic elements of the unwillingness to change and welcome a shift in the relationship dynamics, Hurston depicts the struggles of African American women vividly and accurately. However, the author simultaneously depicts the lightheartedness o the Southern environment, pointing to the fact that the “No matter how rough it was, people seldom got mad, because everything as done for a laugh” (Hurston 310). Thus, the author depicts the controversial and complex nature of the South perfectly.
Although the works of Hurston, Douglas, and Walker and their approaches to describing the South are strikingly different, ranging from lighthearted wistfulness to painful memories of racial injustice, the similarities between these portrayals are striking. Namely, the descriptions incorporate the idea of resistance to change and the focus on traditions, which may appear to be endearing when it comes to life values an family relations, as portrayed in Walker’s poems, yet result in drastic injustice when it comes to promoting social change, as Hurston’s and Douglas’s works show. Representing the South in all its pride and focus on traditions, each of the authors contributes to building the legacy of the African American culture and life in the South.
Works Cited
Douglas, Frederick. “Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, an American Slave, Written by Himself.” The Black Literary Voice in America. Bergen Community College, pp. 241-259.
Hurston, Zora Neale. “Their Eyes Were Watching God.” The Black Literary Voice in America. Bergen Community College, pp. 306-311.
Walker, Margaret. “Southern Song.” The Black Literary Voice in America. Bergen Community College, p. 260.
The importance of intersectionality in fighting for the rights of vulnerable groups is undeniable, and it needs to be incorporated into the process of liberation to ensure that no one is left behind. The notorious refusal of white women to include African American women in the NOW movement impeded the promotion of feminist ideas significantly (Taylor 4). In the described case, intersectionality would have been helpful since it allowed unifying women as an oppressed class within both the dominant (white) and the marginalized (African American) communities. Thus, intersectionality would have introduced greater clarity while allowing for differentiation between the needs of while middle-class and African American lower-class women.
At the same time, when an original monolith of a movement, such as BLM, becomes divided into smaller sections, it may lose its power. Specifically, in regard to the BTLM idea, the source of conflict has been obscured as well; while initially, the abhorrent actions of the police against Black people were condemned, the BTLM movement suggests looking at a wider range of sources of attacks, from domestic violence to random acts of violence. The specified goal suggests a much longer fight, in which the victory for the rights of Black people, in general, to be treated by police with dignity would be an important milestone.
Response to Lilian
The idea of the metaphorical head and neck being mutually dependent on each other is important speculation of which one should take notice. Therefore, I fully agree that it is crucial to remove any traces of bigotry against vulnerable groups in the leadership domain. Tus, the head of any organization or group of people will be able to select the solutions that meet the needs of all those involved, and especially the marginalized groups (Lewis 145). However, the question of how the neck mentioned above could direct the head the required way in case the leader becomes delusional or prejudiced is a rather challenging one. Thus, the promotion of reasonable opinions and social justice must start with citizens as important political agents within the community. It is essential for people to provide support for marginalized groups on political, social, and economic levels so that they could receive the justice that they deserve. Moreover, demanding change in the leadership once the current head shows the signs of discrimination or biases is crucial.
Works Cited
Lewis, Gavin. WCIV Volume II. Cengage Learning, 2012.
Taylor, Keeanga-Yamahtta, editor. How We Get Free: Black Feminism and the Combahee River Collective. Haymarket Books, 2017.
The 1930s and the 1940s in the U.S. were characterized by continuing discrimination of African Americans in the majority of the spheres of life in the country. The persistence of the Jim Crow laws in the South and the resulting segregation were considerable obstacles for black people since they affected their ability to have a proper job, vote, and use public transportation. Additionally, African Americans experienced racism in the armed forces, which, in the midst of the fight with Hitler’s fascism, made it difficult for the government to maintain the existing status quo at home. Yet, even after certain laws that promoted discrimination were abandoned, black people did not stop being affected by systemic prejudice. The 40s era saw many organizations that took actions to defend the rights of African Americans, and despite the fact that they espoused different tactics, they all contributed to the cause of racial justice.
The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) was the most prominent political actor dedicated to improving African Americans’ status. The organization backed peaceful methods and, for example, supported activist A. Philip Randolph, who threatened the federal government with a possibility of a large march on Washington if racial mistreatment would not be prohibited. This strategy was effective and, in 1941, led to the signing of an executive order by President Franklin D. Roosevelt, which banned racial discrimination in the defense industry (Jersey & Wormser, 2002). During the period after the war, many members of the NAACP, including W. E. B. Du Bois, who believed that the new Truman administration would not be concerned with the issues faced by black Americans. The end of WWII marked the beginning of the cold war, which resulted in strong opposition to the leftist movements in the U.S and caused the NAACP to distance itself from communism. When the USSR agreed to sponsor Du Bois’s “An Appeal to the World,” a document that addressed America’s racial injustice, he was removed from the organization.
Soon, Du Bois joined the Council on African Affairs, founded by Paul Roberson, another left-leaning leader of the era (Chapter Sixteen, n.d.). The organization supported worldwide anti-colonialism and anti-imperialism and was dedicated to making domestic issues with racial injustice an international problem. Roberson had strong ties with the communists both in the U.S. and was outspoken in his support of the Soviet Union. Members of the Council on African Affairs believed that socialism could solve the problem of poverty in the country, they also promoted pan-Africanism and were active in South Africa.
The existence of various groups committed to delivering racial and social justice for black Americans amplified the general message that there had to be a change and progress. As a response to civil society’s calls and actions, in 1946, President Harry Truman established the President’s Committee on Civil Rights (Chapter Sixteen, n.d.). It was created to investigate, assess, and analyze the situation with civil rights in the U.S. In 1947, the commission presented a report titled “To Secure These Rights,” outlining several proposals, including the establishment of a permanent Civil Rights Commission, implementation of anti-lynching measures, and adoption of fair employment legislation. Based on the report, President Truman signed two executive orders, which banned segregation in the federal workforce and the armed forces. This marked a significant improvement in terms of civil rights and a victory for the organizations, which, despite their ideological differences, together contributed to the common cause of ending racial injustice.
References
Chapter Sixteen. (n.d.). Fighting fascism abroad and racism at home [PowerPoint slides].
Jersey, B. (Director, Writer) & Wormser, R. (Director, Writer). (2002). Terror and triumph (Season 1, Episode 4) [Television series episode]. In W. Grant (Executive producer), The rise and fall of Jim Crow. Quest Productions; Videoline Inc.; WNET Channel 13 New York.
The 1960s were an era of the movement for installing freedom and eradicating prejudice in the American Society, which unified people of all cultural and racial backgrounds around championing the cause of social justice. The political leaders and organizations such as Martin Luther King Jr. and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference are evidence of how powerful that united front was. The struggle of these people yielded significant results for the advancement of African Americans and laid the foundation for further expansion of the rights of black people. Yet, in the 1970s, the political climate began to change and drift towards the conservative side, which ultimately resulted in the presidency of Ronald Reagan and George H. W. Bush in the following decades. The conservatives’ disregard of the African Americans’ needs made Black politicians of the period assume the role of the only defenders of their community.
As it was mentioned earlier, the civil rights movement was a success and, as a consequence, led to the adoption of major laws which guaranteed freedom and equality to all black people. Moreover, the government and individual states initiated a variety of programs targeted at improving the social and economic conditions of African Americans, namely in the form of affirmative action and welfare support. Yet, over the years of their active existence, these policies were not well-received by the conservative segment of the population, among whom there were not only whites. Famous black economist Thomas Sowell was the most notable voice of the libertarian approach and a relentless critic of government programs, which, according to him, created a culture of poverty (“Chapter Twenty,” slide 4). Such claims further promoted the shift towards the conservative paradigm, which had to be opposed by African American politicians of the period.
Among the most noteworthy examples of such political leaders was Jesse Jackson, who participated in both the 1984 and 1988 presidential races and managed to accumulate many supporters of different backgrounds. During his first attempt, he attracted a lot of attention for his proposals to increase funding for social programs, limit the budget of the Department of Defense, and pay reparations. One of his policies’ main points of focus was an education on which, he claimed, depended on the future of the country (“1984 Democratic Presidential Debate”). Another important part of his campaign concerned the issue of apartheid in South Africa, which, with the help of the Free South Africa Movement, was eventually addressed by the government. Jesse Jackson’s career as a prominent politician ended when he was accused of expressing an anti-Semitic stance (“Chapter Twenty,” slide 9). Thus, the conservative period did not produce black leaders who could seriously challenge the establishment, and the ones who attempted to do this were soon banned from the public.
The 1980s and 1990s were the years when conservatives dominated the political and social areas, and the policies proposed by black leaders and politicians presented an alternative to the mainstream views. The civil rights movement brought many changes to American society, and various social programs for black people were among them. This sparked opposition from many people to active government funding of welfare and affirmative action initiatives. Conservative beliefs gained wider popularity and were criticized only by a small group of politicians, including Jesse Jackson, who acted as one of the main voices of the African American community. His support for government spending on social programs and education and decreased military budgets differed from the establishment’s positions. This made him a candidate of the poor, disenfranchised, and those left behind by the conservatives and their policies.