Category: Afghanistan

Introduction

Afghanistan has been on the verge of destruction for almost three decades now but the prospects for a better country are still very high. Although the existence of the al-Qaida group of terrorists has always undermined the efforts to maintain peace and retain normalcy in the country, there is a window of hope to achieve the same (Menon, 2012). America has been at the forefront in championing the fight against terror on an international scale and this could be placing the US in a prime position to benefit from the anticipated growth of the country (Menon, 2012). Nonetheless, looking at the situation as it is currently, the country actually has very little to offer. Sceptics argue that there are no real prospects for economic growth apart from the illegal drug trafficking trade.

Political instability

The current political instability in the country has divergent impacts on the future relationship between Afghanistan and the United States of America. Protecting the American interests in the Middle East is vital for the survival of America and its citizens. Nonetheless, the US has a tainted image especially from the Middle East (Menon, 2012). Critics from the Middle East condemn the US for speaking peace and making war at the same time. The effect of the ombudsmans function of the US over Afghanistan is slowly affecting its influence in the country (Usip, 2013). The locals do not feel safe in the hands of Americans instead they hold them in paranoia and dislike.

However, the presence of American troops in Afghanistan has little to do with the good of the Middle Eastern country (Menon, 2012). It is a measure carefully designed to safeguard the interests of the American government in terms of security, economic development and world influence. The plane crash of an American stealth drone RQ-170 Sentinel in Iran was a controversial event (Menon, 2012). However, there is more than meets the eye in the whole scenario. The drone was launched from Afghanistan and its mission was to conduct surveillance over Iran (Ebscohost 2013). Little is known about the drone that killed Osama bin Laden but the fact is it was launched from Afghanistan.

Benefits of Americans presence in Afghanistan

One of the major benefits of the presence of the American troops in Afghanistan is that it their presence destabilizes the terror groups that are mostly based there. The American government is responsible for the future of the coming generations. Paralysing the activities of the Taliban and the Haqqani networks is a major safeguard for the Americans and the world at large. Although it may seem like a negative approach towards peace, the extremists who are willing to lose their lives for a course they believe in it might be the only way to deal with the security challenges they pose to the entire world.

Afghanistan is one of the countries that give the US access to the Arab world and this is very crucial to the United States of America (Menon, 2012). Surveillance over some of the radical terror groups would be impossible without the American troops on the ground (Menon, 2012). This can be tragic not only to Americans but also to the entire world in a broader perspective. For that reason, Afghanistans stability becomes a very important concern for the US, which is a signal for a positive and legitimate reason. Withdrawing the troops from Afghanistan would increase the vulnerability of the Americans as a country as well as losing leverage on Iran and Iraq, which are the two very vital countries to keep an eye on (Commentary, 2011).

The future of Americas interests

The future of Americans interests in the Middle Eastern countries is greatly dependent on the stability of Afghanistan (Commentary, 2011). A number of rising regimes that carry great hatred towards the US have always attempted to stop and hinder Americas influence in the region. The Middle East is the hub for Americas oil, which is a major source of energy. Losing contact with the Arab world may be tragic to Americas economy, which greatly depends on oil from the Middle East. The positive impact of Americas presence in Afghanistan is that these resources are secure unlike otherwise. Therefore, the future of the United States with regards to oil and security threats is greatly controlled by having those troops there. Their presence makes it quite difficult for the existence of criminal gangs and the formation of terror groups. The recent capture of Osama bin laden was a great achievement and a great deal for Afghanistan.

Critics who oppose this move by the American government to safeguard its interests in the Middle East and specifically in Afghanistan seem to base their criticism on one side (Commentary, 2011). Most critics argue that the actions of the US are based on selfish ambitions to control the world. However, the most radical international terror groups have sprouted from within the borders of Afghanistan (Commentary, 2011). The most Arabic rebels to stage the greatest terror attacks globally have used Afghanistan as a base and financiers funding terror groups are finding a haven there (Menon, 2012). The anticipated post-American phase in Afghanistan might become a great challenge to the locals especially with the culture of impunity, corruption and political instability, as is the current situation.

Aftermath of Americas departure

Leaving with the current situation would greatly paralyze the country and create tension among the locals but more so affect the possibility of America protecting its interests. The lack of a government is a problem that could persist if the American troops are withdrawn from Afghanistan. The main reason for this assumption is that the native army is comprised of local tribesmen who come from different ethnic groups (Coll, 2009). These ethnic groups have many difficulties interacting and getting along therefore causing tension among each other.

Researchers predict an ensuing war in Afghanistan if the troops are withdrawn due to ethnic differences and other social factors (Coll, 2009). Therefore, for the future of Afghanistan and by extension the well-being of the future coexistence with the Americans, the troops should offer more support and put a government in place.

Therefore, it is not only sufficient to note the importance of American troops in Afghanistan, but also their role on a global scale. Protecting the American interests is the factor that has been greatly considered while making the decision on whether to retain their troops or not (Coll, 2009). However, in the same endeavour, their watch over the Middle East through Afghanistan has greatly helped enhance security for all and even for the future generations to come. As many people feel, the American troops should stay in Afghanistan a little longer to assist and help maintain calm and bring the country back to the rule of law and normal governance (Coll, 2009).

References

Coll, Steve (2009). U.S. Interests and Policy Choices in Afghanistan. Web.

Commentary (2011). The Benefits of U.S. Troops in Afghanistan. Web.

Ebscohost (2013). Current Situation in the Afghan War. Web.

Menon, Rajan (2012). When America Leaves: Asia after the Afghan War. Web.

Usip (2013). Afghanistan: The Current Situation. Web.

Introduction

The current defense U.S. defense policy still restricts the role of women in the military. Although women can participate in several non-combat facets of the military, their role in especially hand-to-hand combat is almost non-existent. Apparently, the widely-held position is that women arent suited for such military action. The situation raises differing issues, especially in the face of growing evidence that women can cope with most of the rigors of the combat field. And since the U.S invasion of Iraq in 2003, there has been an increased effort to integrate more women into Iraqis reconstruction plans. All this is happening against the backdrop of Iraqis conservative society and increasing activism from religious bodies (Pina, 2006).

Modifications in the defense policy

Admittedly, the U.S. defense policy has undergone several major modifications that relate to the role of women. In 1992, the Defense Authorization Act underwent a revision that allowed the inclusion of women pilots in the Navy and Air force. The following year, a bill was signed that further extended the participation of women in the combatant ships. In 1994, women were further allowed to serve in ground combat positions alongside their male colleagues. All coast guard positions also became open to women (Paul, 2005). Clearly, the scope for womens participation in the military is increasing steadily. Areas still to be opened up to their participation include submarine warfare, infantry, nuclear weapon security, and field artillery. Projections show that even for such remaining fields, its only a matter of time (Barbara).

Women in the military

Womens role in the military is gradually increasing. By July 2007, a total of 167,000 hours had been clocked by women in the Iraq and Afghanistan wars. This figure is about four times what was registered in the first Gulf war. All this is happening despite the fact that the U.S. policies bar them from taking part in open-combatant positions. A feasible reason for this is that frontlines are vague concepts in Iraq and Afghanistan, and hence it is that much harder to discriminate against women on such grounds. Women now drive the trucks and Humvees in the battlegrounds; serve as escorts for convoys, and even pilot helicopters. A huge fraction of the military medics are now comprised of women. And in all these roles, the threat of attack remains very real. Overall, above 80% of all military positions are open to women.

In this age of open-mindedness and knowledge, a question arises: why are there still areas where women can not fully participate? The issue is not as straightforward as first appearances may show. In fact, groups still in support of this discrimination field logical reasons. The discrimination, ideally, is not gender-based. It is the result of tests and research done for many years in the military fields. On average, women are generally lighter, smaller, and slower than their male counterparts (Jenna, 2008). Moreover, the average aerobic capabilities of a woman between 20 and 30 years compared with that of a 50-year-old man. In a hand to hand combat, these very attributes would put the women at a distinct disadvantage. In the war zone, bullets and artillery would not discriminate between a man and a woman. Being slower or weaker hence can be disastrous. The policymakers have to take this into account when creating benchmarks for entrance into the military by both males and females. Lowering the bench for anybody ultimately would have everybody losing (Jenna, 2008).

In light of the observed gray areas when it comes to the role of women on the battlefield, policymakers are faced with the task of making a policy that is gender-neutral while simultaneously fostering only the highest standards of performance. In particular, the policies should lack generalities. Every case that applies to the military should be handled on an individual-merit base, not gender or any other kind of background. This is because some women have shown stamina higher than even their male counterparts in the field. Barring such obviously capable women from participating in their chosen fields wouldnt be fair. But at the same time, the policies can not bend over backward to accommodate a vast majority of women into a field that clearly has them at a disadvantage. It is a tight rope walk hence, and the social-cultural backdrops only make the rope thinner (Jenna, 2008).

Discrimination against women

In Iraq and Afghanistan, despite the restricting policies imposed on them, women are increasingly becoming prominent in the national roles. For example, in 2005, women leaders captured 31% of the National Assembly seats (Pina, 2006). In the conservative Iraqi culture, this success may be short-lived, unless national policies are changed to incorporate and appreciate more women participation. A case in point here occurred in Afghanistan in April 2007. A military medic called Monica Brown fearlessly braved gunfire in Eastern Afghanistan as she runs to aid her fellow wounded soldiers. For this remarkable feat, she was awarded a silver star by the vice president, Cheney. However, a few days later, Monica Brown was pulled from the military on grounds of being a woman and thus in direct conflict with Afghan policies regarding that issue (Ann, 2008). President George Bush further settled the matter with his January 2008 declaration that there could be no women combatants.

Monicas was a typical case scenario of the diminutive roles that women combatants face in Iraq and Afghanistan. In the conservative culture, women soldiers are sometimes required to accomplish the sensitive roles of searching female natives and treating them. Yet at the same time, this vital role is more or less blanked out from the national scope, as the active policies clearly advise against it. This distinct conflict has made the policies, made in 1992, to be considered vague and ill-fitting to the current situation on the battlefield. They were linearly crafted, and can not accommodate the modern complexities in the field. A revision of the rules is evidently required.

Other factors come into play within Iraq and Afghanistan. Their primary religion, Islam, has several clauses that clearly relegate the role of women to domestic affairs. The Sharia from the Taliban groupings, in particular, has laws that suppress women. And while these laws have persisted down the ages to the present, they clearly have to be revised if the role of women in society is to increase. In this respect, the U.S. government is making attempts at corroborating with the religious leaders within Iraq and Afghanistan and see whether a compromise can be reached. It is a long-term affair, and unpredictable in the outcome since the issues at hand are deeply entrenched into the conservative cultures of both countries. The conservative nature of these cultures makes such wide-impact changes hard to implement. Islam has had a uniquely violent history, and the present calm situation has been born out of deliberately avoiding volatile issues. If Iraq and Afghanistan open up to policy makeover by the U.S., these issues could come back to the frontline, with any manner of undesirable consequences. It is this possibility that makes negotiations between the parties to be such a sensitive, pain-staking affair (Isobel, 2006).

The mainstay of the argument against female combatants is actually off-field. Though the physical demands of the combat field are deemed taxing, it is the likelihood of other risks that make policymakers so wary of women combatants. For example, during the gulf war with Iraq, two female American soldiers were taken captive by the Iraqis. One of them was sexually abused. The incident only served to increase skepticism about how suited women are to the battlefield horrors. Other prominent off-field issues include the esprit de corps argument. This refers to the binding of the combatants- the feeling of oneness so vital for success on the battlefield. The argument is that presence of women amongst the soldiers may hamper this binding, and ultimately prove disastrous. Of course, there is no physical way of proving such a theory. But its obvious that in order for the binding to happen, everybody needs to be treated equally. Gender differences only make this equal treatment harder to implement (Jake, 1996).

Shortcomings in the U.S. defense policy

The U.S. defense policy also may contribute a bit to retrogression of the progress made by women in Iraq and Afghanistan. With the overthrow of Saddam Hussein, the largely secular government is now showing clear signs of returning back to a fundamentally Islamic-run state. In Southern Iraq, the Shiites are profoundly driving the general society towards this Islamic state. The danger in this is that the prevailing Islamic notions still discriminate against women in most affairs. For example, public leadership positions are generally the preserve of men within Islam. But still, even in the face of all this, Islamic women are showing various initiatives to get over this suppressive background. Since April 2003, various civic and human rights organizations have been set up. Some of these organizations have been set up and run by women. Its a clear indication of the rising spirit of activism by women in Iraq. If the trend continues, women may come to have their various grievances suitably addressed (Hodgkin, 2003).

Even with the evolving awareness about gender-based issues in Iraq and Afghanistan, some people are not yet convinced that the US initiatives will bear the desired fruits. There is a rising clamor about the differences between Iraq and Afghanistan. Afghanistan women dont have the right to vote, drive, have an official job, or run for public office. These rights exist in Iraq. Yet America treats both countries almost alike. Its a clear indication of Americas indifference to the significance of these variations. In fact, some people are arguing that Iraqi womens liberties may lessen under U.Ss influence. The U.S.s impact on the Iraqi and Afghanistan leadership seems biased towards Americas own interests. Presently, the only significant civic function receiving appreciable American support is the emphasis on girl rights. This support, though noble, is only a small fraction of the wider issues needing urgent attention in Iraq and Afghanistan, however (Gretchen, 2003).

Perceptions from various parties are terming some moves by the U.S. as unfortunate goofs. In December 2003, for example, the Iraqi Family Law was overruled by Resolution 137  the U.S. appointed Iraq Governing Council. This Resolution gave Islamic rule the power to preside over domestic matters like marriage, divorce, and inheritance. The implications of such a power takeover caused a public uproar from Iraqis women-led civic groups. Ultimately, the Islamic Governing Council had to cancel this resolution. It was just as well since even then, women were severely under-represented in the judicial structure of the country. The upheavals of the transition phase after Saddams capture would have set back progress made by women by several decades. Since then, the Islamic Governing Council and the Coalition Provisional Authority have strived to work together to avoid such missteps (Pina, 2006).

Iraq versus Afghanistan

As matters stand, Iraqi women are now enjoying more liberties than their Afghanistan counterparts. Comments by the likes of Prime Minister Ibrahim al-Jaafari seem to support this. The prime minister at one point said that the idea of a female Prime Minister or even President was now feasible (Pina, 2006). And the advances being made in this respect seem to be in support of even more liberties for women. Afghanistan clearly has a lot to catch up on. It may be that the sovereign influence that Islam holds over there may have to be lessened. But even with the obvious attempts at leveling the gender playfield in Iraq, there are no guarantees that every gender-based discrimination will be eradicated. This is especially so because the countrys Assembly is still Shii dominated, and Shiites connection with Islam is a reality. As already stated, a huge fraction of Islams legal codes are viewed as suppressing women. With so many members of the Assembly still from the Islamic background, Iraqi women may have to do with cosmetic rights as extended from the Assembly. Such cosmetic rights used to exist during Saddams rule. They basically were theories without a practical backup.

Conclusion

Overall, women in Iraq have made major strides towards liberating themselves. This has happened despite the restrictive environs they have to contend with. In the military, this liberation has been especially conspicuous. Female combatants have had to deal with all the social-cultural odds heaped against them. They also have had to deal with an indirectly suppressing set of rules from the U.S. Department of defense. Through all these barriers, some Iraqi women have managed to excel in their various military areas, sometimes even surpassing their male counterparts. Though such extraordinary feats are rare in Afghanistan, the women there have also started to agitate for a level playfield. Clearly, it is but a matter of time before somebody starts paying heed to their needs. The achievements of Iraqi women challenge the prevailing policy from the U.S. defense department. At the very least, its now obvious that the policy needs serious reworking to stay relevant.

References

Ann Scott Tyson (2008): Woman gains silver star- And removal from combat. Washington Post, 2008.

Barbara, Captain A. Wilson (2005): Women in combat. 

Elizabeth Hodgkin (2003): Women in Iraq: women rights are in danger.

Gretchen Cook (2003): Role of Women in New Iraq of Concern.

Isabel Coleman (2006): Women, Islam and the new Iraq.

Jake Wilkens (1996): Women in the military: combat roles considered.

Pina, Aaron D (2006): Women in Iraq: Background and Issues for U.S. policy. 

Paul J. Bolt, Damon V. Coletta, Collins G. Shackelford (2005): America defense policy. JHU Press. Pg 54-57

Introduction

Child abuse has become a serious problem in Afghanistan due to the conditions children are facing as a result of perennial conflicts in this region. Child marriage has become a dominant crime in this nation and this has forced many organisations to step in and help to alleviate this condition (Fonts 2011). This essay is a summary of the connection between a child rights group and its link with child marriage, and an analysis of other forms of child abuse.

Connection between the Human Fighters Group and Child Marriage

The Human Fighters is a non government organisation that spearheads the realisation of constitutional provisions to ensure human rights are respected. It advocates for respect for human rights through various public activities including campaigns, sensitisation, education and legal processes. It has served various roles in ensuring children, women, youths and everybody in the society gets what they deserve.

Child marriage has become a common problem in Afghanistan due to the conflicts taking place in this country. This has forced children to abandon their families and seek to establish their homes through marriage (Wolfe 2010). This organisation ensures children access their right to education, health, association and movement. Women are not allowed to make individual decisions once they are married and this leads to human rights abuse. This organisation ensures that all children get access to education by educating them and their families on the need to go to schools until they are grown up for marriage.

Child Marriage

A Research conducted by a human rights watch group in 2009 revealed that almost 60 % of all marriages in Pakistan and Afghanistan involved children under the age of 16 years (Fonts 2011). Even though the UN classifies all people under the age of 18 years as children, these countries have set higher standards due to the evils that expose children to abuses.

Early marriage is caused by many reasons depending on social, cultural, economic and political factors. Social factors include the desire to follow peer pressure and modern trends. Most youths like doing what their peers do in order to identify with their groups. In addition, peer pressure compels most children to drop out of schools and seek employment (Gready 2004). However, this does not turn out as expected and leads to early marriages. The desire to reflect modern trends and fashions also motivate children to long to show off that they are able to rule the world.

Cultural factors include early marriages that are considered a tradition by most communities in Pakistan and Afghanistan. This forces girls to get married to old men without considering their level of education or age (Wolfe 2010). In addition, the desire to get dowry forces parents to force their children to marry rich men irrespective of their age. Most cultures in these countries have no respect for the laws that protect children against early marriages.

Lastly, poverty is responsible for many early child marriages in these countries. More than 60 % of the population lives below poverty line, therefore, they are in need of food, shelter and clothes that are difficult to afford. There are few employment and investment opportunities meaning that most people are unemployed.

Conclusion

This group is focused on ensuring that parents give their children opportunities to get quality education and enjoy their freedom to associate with others and express their views. Despite the existence of the belief that children should be allowed to complete their studies before being allowed to marry, this is not observed. There is the need to respect civil codes and natural provisions that human beings must not be forced to do anything that affects their lives.

References

Fonts, L, 2011, Child Abuse and Culture: Working with Diverse Families. The Guilford Press, New York.

Gready, P, 2004, Fighting for Human Rights. Routledge, London.

Wolfe, D., 2010, Child Abuse: Implications for Child Development: Developmental Clinical Psychology and Psychiatry. Sage Publication, New York.

The topic of the given study is women in Afghanistan, their position within the local communities, and the treatment of women in the country. For a long time, Afghanistan has been subject to constant military conflicts with various regimes, with the current regime completely and ruthlessly disconnecting Afghani women from basic human rights. This includes restriction of the right to education, freedom of speech, and protection from violence. The given issue is similarly illustrated in a well-known novel, A Thousand Splendid Suns, written by Khaled Hosseini in 2007. However, even after fifteen years, the violation of womens rights in Afghanistan and the treatment of women in this country remains an acute concern that requires more attention. In this sense, personal interest in this matter revolves around the drastic cultural differences and the injustice that women still have to face in the 21st century. Among the expected findings are limitations of womens rights, domestic abuse, and lack of governmental support.

Akbary, Mohammad Fazel, Tolulope Ariyo, and Quanbao Jiang. Sociocultural Determinants of Attitudes Toward Domestic Violence Among Women and Men in Afghanistan: Evidence from Afghanistan Demographic and Health Survey 2015. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, vol. 37, no. 11, 2022, pp.1-25.

The given article gives an overview of womens lives in Afghanistan and their social roles. According to the authors, Afghanistan is a multiethnic nation comprised of several ethnic groups. The culture is strongly patriarchal, and men dominate the important institutions. Women often have poorer social standing than males do, which explain the lower literacy rate and early marriages. In addition, the patriarchal culture and beliefs of the Afghan nation, where women are devalued, denied personal power, and excluded from household decision-making, have persisted in establishing the traditional Afghan domestic life.

The given scholarly material is vital for the research since it does not only analyze women standing in Afghan society but includes complementary information on male position within the community. In this sense, the reader can see the disbalance of social roles, with men dominating each sector of the community. This article can support the overall claim that women are mistreated due to patriarchal dogmas and limitations of women in their rights and fundamental freedoms.

Jafari, Hussain, Hassan Zareei Mahmoodabadi, and Zahra Naderi Nobandegani. A Study of Domestic Violence Against Married Women in Afghanistan: Grounded Theory. Journal of Social Behavior and Community Health, vol. 6, no. 1, 2022, pp.810-818.

The article by Jafari and colleagues begins the article by providing a definition of abuse. According to the researchers, any form of aggressive conduct or financial, psychological, sexual, physical, or abuse is done by one person against another in a partnership is referred to as domestic violence. The statistics in the material claim that women and children are frequently the targets of domestic abuse. Further in the study, the scholars conduct interviews with Afghan women on their experiences. According to the findings, women are frequently blamed for any violence toward them and, in fact, are considered unsuitable for marriage. The article additionally illuminates the factors that fuel domestic violence, which all lead to male issues and dissatisfaction with their financial position, employment, and poverty.

The article is important for the given research since it illustrates how women are blamed for the domestic violence that they face. This indicates the victim-blaming prevalent in the nation and supports the notion that women lack psychological support. Moreover, the article indicates that the prevalence of abuse of Afghani women is tightly connected to other issues, such as high poverty rates and male dissatisfaction with employment.

Rahman, Farhana. Narratives of Agency: Women, Islam, and the Politics of Economic Participation in Afghanistan. Journal of International Womens Studies, vol. 19, no. 3, 2018, pp.60-70. Web.

Rahman, in their article, analyzes the conditions in Afghanistan, wherein women are deprived of numerous socioeconomic possibilities, similar to many countries in South Asia. In order to regain autonomy in Afghanistan and countries with totalitarian regimes, this article studies Afghan businesswomens struggles, aspirations to participate in the economic area, and how they have managed to overcome geopolitical, societal, and cultural barriers to establish and maintain commercial companies. The findings of Rahman illustrate that, even in male-dominated spheres, women were able to gain success.

The article by Rahman is crucial to the study since it can help illustrate the advantages of giving women their rights and freedom. From the examples of such a study with three conducted interviews, it will be possible to show that Afghanistan, without the Taliban regime and fewer restrictions, can lead to prolific business activity in the country and more inclusivity in the community. On the other hand, with less access to equal opportunities, the country will not reach high quality of life.

Roshan, L. A. Women, Peace and Security in Afghanistan. International Journal of Research and Analytical Reviews (IJRAR), vol. 6, no. 1, 2019, pp.228-230. Web.

In the given material, Roshan illustrates the condition in which Afghani women had to and are currently forced to live. The article divides Afghanistans history into three stages, including the pre-Taliban era, the Taliban regime, and post-Taliban conditions, to illustrate the consequences of authoritarian governance and restricting laws. There have also been suggestions on how to guarantee the best responsiveness to the requirements of women. As a part of their findings, Roshan claims that reducing conflict and violence is correlated with improving womens rights and representation.

The given article is crucial to the present study since it accentuates the idea that womens equality is not only an ethical, moral, or social problem. The scholar emphasizes that this is also an issue of safety and stability. The achievement of national development objectives depends critically on gender equality and the empowerment of women rather than the process of instilling fear.

Hence, the position of Afghanistan women is subject to major limitations of their freedom and rights, along with constant abuse and lack of support. The patriarchial society and its dogmas permeate every aspect of the community, leaving women without education, careers, or basic freedom. The studies given on the matter illustrate that such a position explains low literacy rate and early marriages, with emphasis on the fact without such structure, women will be able to contribute to the development of the country.

Works Cited

Akbary, Mohammad Fazel, Tolulope Ariyo, and Quanbao Jiang. Sociocultural Determinants of Attitudes Toward Domestic Violence Among Women and Men in Afghanistan: Evidence from Afghanistan Demographic and Health Survey 2015. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, vol. 37, no. 11, 2022, pp.1-25.

Jafari, Hussain, Hassan Zareei Mahmoodabadi, and Zahra Naderi Nobandegani. A Study of Domestic Violence Against Married Women in Afghanistan: Grounded Theory. Journal of Social Behavior and Community Health, vol. 6, no. 1, 2022, pp.810-818.

Rahman, Farhana. Narratives of Agency: Women, Islam, and the Politics of Economic Participation in Afghanistan. Journal of International Womens Studies, vol. 19, no.3, 2018, pp.60-70. Web.

Roshan, L. A. Women, Peace and Security in Afghanistan. International Journal of Research and Analytical Reviews (IJRAR), vol. 6, no. 1, 2019, pp.228-230. Web.

Introduction

Osama bin Laden declared a holy war against the US in 1996 and 1998 due to various motivations. The first reason that contributed to bin Ladens attack on the US is due to the belief that US policy had led to oppression, killing and harm to the Muslims in Middle East. That had happened when the US reinforced Russias atrocities against the Islamic religion in Chechnya (Ritchie 25). Additionally, Osama bin Laden has been frustrated by the US supporting the Indian tribulations against Muslim society in Kashmir. What was seen as a major defense of Islamic religion turned out to be a source for political and diplomatic collision between Al-Qaida and the US.

Under the administration of George Bush, the US started to take the position that global terrorism, more so in the US, was due to the differences orchestrated by the need to have freedom and also religious extremism. Bush alleged that the terrorists hated the US for the freedom the country had on global matters. In documents released by Al-Qaida, Osama bin Laden published a work named Letter to America that had focused on why he had to attack the US (Swenson 109). There was the issue of fatawa released in 1996 and 1998, which criticized the US governments financial participation with the Saudi royal family and also the military intervention into the Arab world (Strachan 11). Therefore, due to these reasons, Osama bin Ladens Al-Qaida started to launch attacks against the US as one way to express their ideological differences.

Why US Attacked Afghanistan

As depicted in the introduction, the US wanted to ensure that Afghanistan refrained from providing hiding havens for terrorism masterminds. The NATO allies decided to control Talibans acts of inhumanity were combatted by military intervention (Strachan 12). The move was seen to be a peacekeeping decision that the US had made, contributing to the eruption of other wars that would come as a result (Shams par.6). Under the administration of President George Bush, the US had committed itself to weaken terrorist groups that threatened the peace of the world. The security of US nationals was at risk after the Al-Qaida operatives hijacked four commercial aircraft, where they later crashed into the World Trade Centre in New York City and Pentagon in the American capital, Washington DC.

The Initial Success

Initially, the US succeeded in invading Afghanistan when the military in support of the British began bombing against the Taliban. There were several airstrikes on Al-Qaida, which led to the Taliban planning on revenging later. The wars early phase was a collaborative base between the US special forces, the Northern Alliance, and other Anti-Taliban forces (Shams par.4). By considering all these parties against one party, it was hard for Afghanistan to endure. The escape of Osama bin Laden enabled the US troops to navigate the country well since no strategist took the roles of bin Laden effectively. The Mujahadeen fighters in Tora Bora lost the centralized control of the battle after the US forces tracked them in what was considered to be a key point that weakened the militants (Ångström 38). The intelligence of the US in the war was highly advanced due to the fact that they had initiated what was seen as a random attack on Afghanistan.

How Matters Went South and the US Started Losing

The war between the US and Afghanistan had lasted for close to twenty years before the US withdrew. In April 2021, US President Joe Biden declared that all US and NATO groups would be withdrawn from the country by end of August the same year (Chotiner par.2). The US policies on Afghanistan were not effectively working because of the military solution seemed to advance the rivalry. The US failed to control the battle to the end because of the complex legacy of colonialism that the US had. The military control of wealth in the country would not work since Afghanistan had a graveyard of empires. The US was seen to be not only exercising military power but also moralizing an attempt to construct institutions under their image (Ritchie 23). The forceful trial to diplomatically change a foreign territory failed as Afghanistan got civilized day by day. The transition, hybrid identity, and Eurocratic expectation that the US wanted would not work in

The Politics Back in the US

Various reasons sparked a rivalry between the US and Afghanistan diplomatically. Afghanistan, led by Osama bin Laden, believed in what is known as religious extremism allowing a party to engage in war against another. However, the US could not emulate such an idea since human dignity surpasses any adverse ideology in the society. Through the effort of the leadership groups, there was the appropriation of orders in the world, majorly sticking to the humanitarian perspectives (Swenson 112). At this point, the US had to protect the interests it had in countries that Afghanistan mostly targeted. Other countries such as France, Australia, Germany, and Canada later started to support the US in what was known as enduring operation freedom that had seen the US start war on terror.

The United States and the United Nations (UN) Security Council had demanded the arrest of Osama bin Laden for prosecution. Osama was a threat to the world due to his policies that were seen to support inhumanity, especially to the growing nations with no power to protect themselves fully (Strachan 14). The US and the UN Council had announced that there was need for global peace. Instead of war, it was essential for people to focus on equality and equity in terms of economy, production of industrial goods, and advancement of technology and machinery. Before the September 11 attack, there were political issues that Osama bin Laden and George Bush had concerning the superiority complex (Strachan 13). Osama held a naïve belief that the US had become weaker even though they were against the policies made by Afghanistan on their country. Some allies like Abu Walid al-Misri increased the tension by supporting the idea that the US was no longer a world power as many claimed (Swenson 129). The diplomatic tension led to the sanctioning of many parts of the Afghan and Middle East countries, which intensified rivalry between the US and Afghanistan.

Why US Stayed and did not Leave

The reason why the US stayed and did not just leave was to offer support to the Afghan soldiers on the way they would deal with the Taliban on their own. The US staying in Afghanistan meant offering military training to the host country to guarantee independence of the state of affairs in Afghanistan (Crocker par.5). The main reason was to make sure Afghan stabilized and refrained from offering hiding zones for Al-Qaida fighters. That part was one of the key reasons why the US, through the administration of Presidents George Bush, Barack Obama, and Donald Trump, felt it was necessary to secure the world from terrorism matters.

After the withdrawal from the War, a number of US soldiers remained due to their long-time residence and family roots. Other military personnel stayed due to dual-citizenship and also maintaining the mission of keeping Afghan safe from breeding terrorism activities through militant operations (Crocker par.3). America being a world power, would not leave the War after successfully weakening the Taliban forces. The main plan was to hold a peaceful invasion until the time when it would be safe for the US to leave Afghan. Therefore, the above elements were the reasons why the US troops did not just leave.

Leaving Afghanistan in 2021

US President Joe Biden announced that the country would be leaving Afghanistan after two decades. According to Biden, the country had completed the significant airlifts in history, with more than 120,000 people evacuated safely. Biden said that The assumption was that more than 300,000 Afghan National Security Forces that we had trained over the past two decades and equipped would be a strong adversary in their civil wars with the Taliban (The White House, par.7). Biden meant that the US had contributed what can be termed as enough in regards to the security matters of Afghanistan and other countries. Although the decision to withdraw was made in April 2021, the US troops were required to leave from the end of August the same year.

After nearly two decades of fighting, the US had lost a notable number of military personnel and also caused loss of lives for many Afghanistan nationals hence, the War came to an end. The decision was made to ensure that the lives of Americans were not at risk from the War (The White House, par.11). Additionally, the US sacrifice to train the Afghan soldiers was considered a notable act of goodwill, which meant the warfare was brought to calm. 90% of the US soldiers in Afghanistan left at their own decision while others remained due to personal decisions allowed on the specific grounds. The end of the War marked an epitome of a long journey towards modern civilization and liberty to leave other nations to conduct their affairs.

Conclusion: Lessons Learned

There are various lessons that the entire world can learn from the war. Firstly, without a strategy, impacting a foreign policy would be impossible. The US involvement in the war resulted in the deaths of many people did not change the ideologies of the Taliban since the Afghan government collapsed as the Taliban took Kabul. If the US had launched a series of diplomatic peaceful missions without the perception of superpower, the war would not have escalated. Secondly, engaging in war requires justification and support from key powers in the world. Despite the killing of Al-Qaida mastermind Osama Bin Laden in 2011, the group did not divide. Rather, the members became more unified to fight the US. It is important to end a disagreement by acting calm rather than proving that it is possible to force issues within a foreign perspective.

Works Cited

Ångström, Jan. Contribution Warfare: Swedens Lessons from The War in Afghanistan. The US Army War College Quarterly: Parameters, vol 50, no. 4, 2020, pp. 34-39.

Chotiner, Isaac. How America Failed in Afghanistan. The New Yorker, 2021, Web.

Crocker, Ryan. Afghanistan 2001-2021: US Policy Lessons Learned. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2021, Web.

Ritchie, Marnie. War Misguidance: Visualizing Quagmire in the US War in Afghanistan. Media, War & Conflict, vol 6, no. 3, 2021, pp. 17-27.

Shams, Shamil. How the US Invasion Changed Afghanistan | DW |. DW.COM, Web.

Strachan, Hew. Learning Lessons from Afghanistan: Two Imperatives. The US Army War College Quarterly: Parameters, vol 49, no. 3, 2019, pp. 12-15.

Swenson, Geoffrey. Why US Efforts to Promote the Rule of Law in Afghanistan Failed. International Security, vol 42, no. 1, 2017, pp. 114-151.

The White House. Remarks by President Biden on the End of the War in Afghanistan . The White House, 2021, Web.

Afghanistan has long been known for its increased levels of terrorism across the whole land, which is the primary reason for the US governments decision to assist the countrys administration. In fact, the government of the USA and Afghanistan deemed it reasonable to unite their effort to decrease terrorism on the land. However, the massive collapse of this alliance and the Kabul seizure by the Taliban forced the US government to withdraw its forces completely. As a result, the effort put into counter-terrorism strategies was wasted, and to this day, Afghanistan remains a safe harbor to many individual terrorists and terrorist groups.

To begin with, the US government focused on liberal peacebuilding that was primarily based on the creation of a centralized Afghan state and, naturally, a system that is purely liberal and democratic. Yet this idea was not accepted, and the painful experience of this part of history still has its consequences. Toby Dodge (2021) described the past of the failed US-Afghanistan alliance and the aftermath of Americas withdrawal from the country.

As stated, the primary reason and the problem of the country, which is high levels of terrorism, prompted the US government to help overthrow the Taliban. However, in 2021 upon the seizure of Kabul, this hazardous terrorist group resumed its political movement after being stopped for 20 years (Dodge, 2021). In other words, the effort of the US government failed tremendously, not only because of not defeating and stopping the activity of the Taliban but allowing it to rule the whole country.

Even though its government has not been recognized, the Taliban still managed to seize more control over the country than before the US-Afghanistan alliance. In fact, in 2001, the Taliban ruled around 75% of the country, and now the whole country is dependent on this groups terrorist activity (Dodge, 2021). Thus, it is evident that such development in the countrys governance is likely to negatively impact not only Afghanistan but other countries as well.

Unfortunately, the Talibans activity is not advantageous to any country, and the US specifically, even though the terrorists, as well as America, share the same goal of defeating the Islamic state in the country. This joint interest is of no meaning to the Taliban as they keep actively helping the worst enemies of the US. Dodge (2021) explains that the Taliban assists in the survival of many terrorist groups which are located on the land of Afghanistan. In fact, Dodge (2021) added that they are not only sheltered but they are also supported with resources. If it was not bad enough, some of these groups have global ambitions, including al-Qaeda but others also aim at regional targets like Central Asia, Pakistan, or India.

Unfortunately, it appears pretty challenging to preempt the terrorist attacks due to the neutrality of most of the Central Asian states. As a matter of fact, only Tajikistan shows its opposition to the Taliban, while others are doubtful of supporting counter-terrorism strategies. Nonetheless, the successful recent attack on the leader of al-Qaeda. Ayman al-Zawahiri shows that the resources of the counter terrorism operations are capable and intact.

Still, Dodge (2021) argued whether it is wise to draw conclusions from a single successful operation in Afghanistan. Furthermore, Dodges (2021) complete description of Afghanistans terrorism-related problem was full and clear; his closings remained somewhat hesitant because of the inability to predict how this situation would unfold. The USs insufficient resources to successfully lead that counter-terrorism campaign should also be taken into account when talking about tackling the issue of terrorism in Afghanistan.

Reference

Dodge, T. (2021). Afghanistan and the Failure of Liberal Peacebuilding. Survival, 63(5), 4758. Web.

Summary

Operation Anaconda was conducted in Shaikot Valley, Afghanistan, in March 2002. It was fought in difficult mountain conditions and ended up with an American victory. More than 50 U.S. combatants were wounded, and eight were killed. The battle can be analyzed from the point of view of mission command principles, such as mutual trust, competence, shared understanding, and clearance of the commanders intent. Exercising disciplined initiative and the level of risk acceptance is also important. At some points, operation Anaconda was successful, despite the lack of mutual trust and shared understanding between the troops.

Competence

There are several principles of mission command which allow overcoming the difficulties occurring during combat. The first one is competence because, without it, soldiers cannot apply their skills adequately to the situation. According to a senior USAF officer, during the battle of Shah-i-Khot, the U.S. troops could have used more efficient tactics. He supposed that they should have used airstrikes for several days or even weeks, which would allow the howitzers and bombs to pummel the caves (Geibel, 2002). However, it does not fully reflect the lack of competence of the U.S. troops because, as another officer argued, there are no tactical plans that could survive the first encounter with an enemy. The plan changed, and the fact that something had gone wrong does not prove that the U.S. troops lacked competence (Geibel, 2002). The fact that in the beginning, the Americans had severe losses can be partially explained by the fact of the mountain landscape, by the well-developed skills of the enemies who were using mortars, and by their willingness to fight to the death for the glory of Islam. According to Kugler et al. (2009), the U.S. troops were not mature enough for ground operations in Afghanistan. Besides, there were problems in initial intelligence estimates, which resulted in failures on the battlefield.

Mutual Trust

The troops fighting with Taliban and Al Qaeda included not only the U.S. soldiers but also Afghan allies. As long as the Afghan culture and mentality are different from the American ones, there was some lack of trust in the Afghan allies. It is supported by the information provided in the Military Review (2002) journal, which stated that a U.S. officer supposed that Afghan allies were communicating with the enemy. It seemed that someone leaked the plan of attack to Taliban troops (Geibel, 2002). Zia Lodin, an Afghan commander, was believed to punk out, as he was supposed to attack the first day, but he didnt perform (Geibel, 2002). However, some officers considered the Afghan soldiers no less noble, no less brave than the U.S. ones.

Shared Understanding

The communication between the troops provided an understanding of the situation. As for the tactic applied during the battle, it had to be changed and adapted according to the current situation. Geibel (2002) mentioned that initial reports made by the wire services were confusing and vague. It was explained by the fact that very few reporters accompanied the U.S. troops on the battlefield. Besides, the air and ground components interpreted the situation differently and had a different understanding of issues referring to time-sensitive targeting, close air support, and interdiction (Kugler et al., 2009). In order to provide timely effectiveness, the commanders had to coordinate with CENTCOM, which would have ensured ROE enforcement.

Commanders Intent

The commanders intent was clear, as long as it was communicated to the troops during the previous discussion of the tactics. However, on the battlefield, the troops faced severe mortar fire, and the tactics had to be changed and adapted to the current situation. Despite this fact, the intent of the commander was still clear to the subordinates,

Mission Orders

The Anaconda operation has demonstrated that the U.S. troops need mission orders, fire restrictions, and rules of engagement. It can be provided by clear guidance and control by the experts. However, mission orders have a drawback since they allocate too much discretionary authority to the low levels, which results in sacrificing the high-level control and command. Thus, in theory, a clear commanders intent and mission orders can clarify the actions that should be done on the battlefield. During the operation, SEZs were created in order to provide flexible communication between the commanders and the subordinates.

Disciplined Initiative

The discipline in the U.S. troops was highly developed, and the soldiers were executing commanders orders without any delays. Subordination between the leaders and the soldiers had been safe throughout the whole operation. The morale in the troops was high, and despite the fear that the combatants experienced during the intensive mortar shrapnel attacks, they still fought and did not leave the battlefield without an order.

Risk Acceptance

Throughout the Anaconda operation, commanders and subordinates of the U.S. troops demonstrated their bravery many times. For example, captain Kevin Butler exposed himself to the enemy fire, running up the hill several times in order to define the location of Afghan troops and to call an airstrike. At night, the U.S. troops attempted to establish a new post to observe the enemy supply and find their escape routes. Besides, helicopters were sent to extract the Special forces and their comrades who were killed. It was made at night before the moon rose, and it was a risky operation. Thus, during the operation, the U.S. troops took many risky actions in order to win.

References

Kugler R., Baranick M., Binnendijk H (2009). Operation Anaconda. Lessons for joint operations. Center for Technology and National Security Policy National Defense University.

Geibel A. Operation Anaconda, Shah-i-Khot Valley, Afghanistan, 2002. Military Review.

Introduction

The causes of successes and failures of the operation Anaconda in Afghanistan can be revealed by considering the most critical conditions. They include several aspects which were essential for the outcomes and equally affected the failures and the ultimate victory of the plan. Thus, the examination of the preparation, the structure of the forces, patterns of cooperation, strategies based on intelligence reports, and accompanying challenges and the methods for addressing them can be sufficient for this purpose (Kugler, 2007). The mentioned characteristics of military activity in the country can be useful for establishing the connection between initial intentions and further modifications. Hence, the operation Anaconda is an explicit example of interventions determined as flexible initiatives, and it contributes to the creation of a framework for similar programs.

Initial Conditions and Their Importance for Further Decisions

The main condition explaining the initial failures of the US army in Afghanistan was the lack of awareness concerning the actual circumstances of the projected battles and inaccurate results of intelligence. They should be viewed as the principal flaw to eliminate at the early stages of such interventions in the future. This stance is supported by Kugler (2007), who emphasizes the inadequate development of strategic positions, logistic support, and the ineffective combination of efforts with allied Afghan forces as the necessary provisions. They mean that the absence of these measures in the beginning leads to greater problems, and this idea should be laid in the basis of multinational operations. In other words, no positive outcome is possible if these needs are neglected. In addition, this challenge implies the violation of principles stated in the Army Doctrine Publication 2-0 (ADP 2-0) (2019), according to which the quality of the information received through technical channels should be prioritized. Thus, the erroneous assumptions are unacceptable, whereas they are complemented by potential problems in the structure of personnel, making decisions based on these data.

Structural Characteristics

The inability to benefit from the available facts when preparing armed forces of several countries for the battles is another circumstance which clarifies the relation between the discussed intelligence challenges and structural characteristics of units. This lesson learned by the participants of the operation Anaconda in Afghanistan should be laid in the basis of other plans under the same circumstances. This opinion is underpinned by the previous analysis conducted by Kugler (2007), who wrote that the activity was performed in the absence of unity since the leader General Frank was subordinate to two entities. Since the original problems were attributed to this factor, it is reasonable to suggest that the accuracy of the information should be accompanied by its targeted implementation in the context of authority. This idea also positively correlates with the fact that the improvements, more specifically, when this flaw was compensated for by involving a tactical commander, MG Franklin Hagenbeck, increased the precision of target determination (Kugler, 2007). Therefore, this part of the framework for future operations is as important as the above solution concerning data quality.

Ineffective Cooperation

The discussed factors, ineffective personnel structure and erroneous information, were crucial at first, but in the continuation of the operation Anaconda, the inappropriate patterns of cooperation came into play. This aspect is particularly important for designing military activity abroad as it is linked to many other circumstances of the matter. Hence, for instance, the Army Doctrine Publication 6-0 (ADP 6-0) (2019) states that efficient coordination of efforts is possible only when the tasks performed by different units are aligned with respect for a degraded environment. This setting is determined by the complications in accessing critical resources, and the experiences of armed forces during the examined conflict confirm this necessity. According to Kugler (2007), the Afgan and the US armies failed to proceed when their actions were not organized. From this point of view, the logical conclusion is the need for including the cooperation between units into the framework based on the explicit authority and substantial intelligence results.

General Plan: Timely Readjustments

The elimination of obstacles on the way to victory can be achieved through incorporating the above considerations into a comprehensive strategy while paying particular attention to the timely actions for readjusting plans. These initiatives should target the weakest points while being comprehensive in nature in order for the commanders to see a clear picture of progress, especially after the shifts are performed. In the case of the operation Anaconda, these decisions were made for assisting less efficient entities, minimizing risks attributed to them by carefully monitoring their activity, rescheduling attacks, and modifying their timings (Kugler, 2007). Nevertheless, such solutions greatly depend on the environment and other conditions and, therefore, cannot be deemed universal.

It means that developing flexibility is the key to success on the battlefield, and this provision is applicable to any operation, especially those conducted abroad. This suggestion is also supported by Joint Publication 3-16 (JP 3-16) (2019) as, according to this document, proper transitions between elaborated stages are crucial for a positive outcome. In other words, the dynamics of similar military events are reflected by the appropriateness of measures in terms of scheduling, time, and assistance, whereas efficiency is correlated with adaptability.

Flaws and Their Elimination

The final aspect, which stems from the previous section on flexibility, is the way the military experts eliminate the detected flaws while incorporating new approaches in the already developed tactics. In this case, the suitable adaptations are subject to the use of specific methods intended for solving the most critical issues. The challenges of the operation Anaconda prove that the ways to address them are numerous, and they might include the combination of air and ground forces and the particular focus on coordinating their readjusted efforts (Kugler, 2007). Since the requirements in this situation are not uniform as in the adopted measures discussed above, one cannot claim the possibility of suggested rigid models. In turn, the emphasis on the overall direction of work, which is increased support in the case of unexpected circumstances, can be favorable for the outcomes. In this way, the experience of US forces in Afghanistan at the time showed that eliminating problems on the way was a better approach than relying on original plans.

Conclusion

In conclusion, the examination of the operation Anaconda in Afghanistan showed that its lessons could be used as guidance for commanders in similar initiatives. First, the intelligence results should be accurate and interpreted appropriately for implementing them in planning attacks with precision. Second, the actions of units should be controlled by a single commander in order to accept the accountability for their results and bring clarity to others regarding general expectations. Third, cooperation should be organized with respect to the environment and capabilities of forces. Fourth, timely adjustments should be performed, and the accompanying risks should be regularly monitored to provide compensation. Thus, these provisions, when formulated as a uniform framework, can serve as sufficient guidance for operations abroad in the future.

References

Army Doctrine Publication 2-0 (ADP 2-0). (2019). Intelligence. Web.

Army Doctrine Publication 6-0 (ADP 6-0). (2019). Mission command: Command and control of army forces. Web.

Joint Publication 3-16 (JP 3-16). (2019). Multinational operations. Web.

Kugler, R. L. (2007). Operation Anaconda in Afghanistan: A case study of adaptation in battle [PDF Document].

Introduction

Operation Anaconda was a coordinated military action campaign in Afghanistan. The operation was part of the War in Afghanistan. The operation stretched from March 1^st to March 18^th, 2002. The main goal of the operation has been the destruction of the al-Qaeda and Taliban organizations. Operation Anaconda was a successful operation, resulting in the coalitions pushback of radical Islamist forces. In terms of scale and location, the operation was among the largest for its time, as a testament to the shared capability of coalition forces (Blaxland et al., 2020). The participation of the US forces has been central to its success.

The operation encompassed the Shahi Kot valley  a mountainous landscape that presents al-Qaeda with a perfect hiding location. As the presence of the organization in the area had been recognized, troops moved in an official capacity. With the work of 30,000 people, the participation and coordination of mission command can be cited as a primary success factor for the operation. In addition, support from the US Navy and Air Force became a vital source of air suppression (Caruso, 2019). In order to understand the role of organization and management in this process, it is necessary to discuss the proceedings of the military operation, and their success. For the purposes of this work, Operation Anacondas proceedings should come under scrutiny.

Role of Mission Command

As a military operation that deals with both coalition forces and regular US troops, Operation Anaconda was difficult in terms of management. By involving mission command heavily, and relying on the coordination and planning was it possible to succeed. The bulk of participants for the operation had been divided into two task forces  TF Hammer and TF Anvil (Caruso, 2019). By combining action from two different directions and working to gain advantage over the enemy, US troops found success. TF Hammer were providing air support, conducting barrages, missile attacks and bombings. Coordination of efforts saw some setbacks, as the work of the task force had not been properly communicated (Caruso, 2019). This put strain on the TF Anvil, which had to enter the valley and answer the heavy resistance. Due to the thoughtfulness and consideration in the planning stage, the element of surprise hadnt been lost, providing an important strategical advantage.

Another important aspect of the operation was the mission command itself. Typically, mission command can be defined as the part of the army that oversees decision-making and strategy execution. Mission command acts as glue that ties all other participants together, enabling them to coordinate their actions and work on shared goals. The need for this regulatory body cannot be overstated. In large-scale operations, it is vital that each team arrives at their destinations in time, and initiates action at specific points. Without a central body that coordinates the strategic effort, incidents and mistakes occur more often. In addition, mission command represents a specific approach to mission execution and military action as a whole. In this case, it is a belief that a number of qualified personnel can be tasked with overseeing and managing the decisions of many, instead of leaving the particulars of execution to individual squad leaders. It is a strategy built on centralizing both decision-making and power (Tolman, 2020). As seen by a number of mistakes committed in Operation Anaconda, this method of control does not always guarantee perfect results. Because of the large size of the US special forces, it becomes increasingly challenging to manage the process (Hooker, 2023). Coordinating the actions of coalition forces, or ensuring that actions such as air strikes proceed in accordance with the plan is especially difficult.

Naturally, the operation had many problems as well, posing as a potential threat to its success. In particular, the landing point of the US forces has been incorrect, landing them in the wrong part of the valley, leading to more injuries. However, the superior weaponry and command enabled them to overlook this disadvantage.

Conclusion

In conclusion of Operation Anaconda, the US forces found success. As one of the initial operations in the war, Anaconda had been a vital step in moving forward, both as a joined military force, and as a source of resistance to al-Qaeda. US has been able to demonstrate the benefits of its military weaponry, and compensate for mistakes with quick thinking and bravery. In addition, the expertise and need for centralized military command was also shown, enabling the US to use mission command in its future military action, and constitute standardized systems of organization as the go-to approach in planning. Certain issues, like the lack of communication, and mistakes on the part of specific task forces could not be avoided. This showcases a need for more improvement, both in terms of communication and pre-operation coordination. The difficulties faced during the operation show that despite the modern technology, military strategy still falls back on the quality of communication and planning, even with very effective weapons. Operation Anaconda serves as a lesson in the importance of planning and coordinated war effort.

References

Caruso, D. (2019). Operation Anaconda. The Oral History Review, 39(2), 334336. Web.

Blaxland, J., Fielding, M., & Gellerfy, T. (2020). Niche wars: Australia in Afghanistan and Iraq, 20012014. ANU Press.

Hooker, R. D. (2023). Americas special operations problem  Analysis. Eurasia Review. Web.

Tolman, F. N. (2020). Mission command: A senior enlisted leaders perspective. Army University Press. Web.

Introduction

It won’t be an exaggeration to say that prior to 9/11 nobody would have imagined that the terror machine can go to that extent. Perhaps the US government had not realized the extent of damage that some of these groups could have done to US and its interests around the world. Though there were a number of instances in other countries where US establishments were targeted by such mischief makers, but such instances were considered mainly as failure of those nations in safeguarding the interests of USA, and nobody actually thought that one day, two US commercial flights full of passengers will collide with its own twin towers and result in killing around 3000 citizens of the world. They were office workers, waiters, police, firemen, moms, dads, friends and neighbors. 9/11 and subsequent events brought the issue of terrorism in the forefront of world politics. This proved to be a turning point towards considerably revamping the US international relations with countries in different regions in general and the Asia pacific in particular. India, for example has been at the receiving end of the terror plots for quite a while now, but it was considered a regional/ local issue by the international community. The 9/11 strike proved that terrorism is an international issue requiring international cooperation for a lasting solution.

The description of situation about Taliban

Afghanistan has been in news since early 1970s, but for all the wrong reasons. Earlier, it was a battle ground between the forces supported by US and the erstwhile USSR. Once the USSR was forced to withdraw from Afghanistan, and particularly after the demise of the government of President Najibullah, the country went into the hands of fundamentalist Islamic forces, known as Talibans, who ruled the country with iron fists. Some historian term the Taliban rule as a Jungle raj, because it was during their regime that the rights of citizens were taken off in the name of establishing Islamism.

This led to confrontationist situation with verbal duals between the western governments and the Taliban regime. Since USSR had disintegrated and USA was the only superpower left, the main target of Taliban regime was the interests of US and its allies. This led to the situation in which people like Osama-bin-Laden were provided shelter by the Taliban regime. After the September 11, 2001 attacks US government started taking steps to decimate the terror network and disrupt their fundraising activities. That is how the Taliban regime came into direct conflict with US. Since the Taliban refused to cooperate in tracing the terror suspects, US led forces attacked Afghanistan on Oct. 7, 2001 in through an operation codenamed as Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF)¹.

The key issues in OEF were destruction of the terror network and freedom of Afghan people from the evil forces called Taliban. On the other hand US started diplomatic initiative as well to have as many supporting countries as possible in this war. Afghanistan being an Islamic nation, many countries in the Islamic world in general were not directly involved in this conflict, but none of them were supporting the Taliban regime either. In fact, Pakistan, a key sympathizer for Taliban’s was actively supporting US and its forces in this war. The main problem in this war has been to make the Islamic world understand the need for a united action against the so called jihad movement carried out by a few fanatics.

Conclusion

It goes to the credit of the OEF that today Afghanistan has a duly elected government headed by a democratically elected president. The country is on the path of development and many terror suspects have been eliminated by the allied forces. On the other hand, the OEF has been going on for more than six years now, but the allied forces have not been able to lay their hands on the key suspect called Osama Bin Laden so far. That’s one of the biggest failures of this operation.

References

Global Security (2008). Operation Enduring Freedom – Afghanistan. Web.