Cancer Alley: Environmental Justice Analysis

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Table of Contents

Introduction
What Is “Cancer Alley”? Where Environmental Pollution and Poverty Meet
Arguments from Various Stakeholders
The “Cancer Alley” Evidence
The “Cancer Alley” and Law
Solving the “Cancer Alley” Problem
Conclusion
Works Cited

Introduction

Today, environmental protection priorities have become inseparable from civil rights, thus creating a unique environmental justice merger to advance the interests of low-income communities. In other words, it has become quite common to perceive environmental protection as one of the most essential individual and collective rights. Still, thousands of people reside in areas with high levels of environmental pollution. The territory between New Orleans and Baton Rouge, Louisiana is one of the most problematic environmental spots. Also known as “Cancer Alley” or “chemical corridor”, this territory exemplifies a unique cluster of environmental, social, and economic problems. Only by joining larger support groups and securing broad legal support, the communities living in the “Cancer Alley” will have a chance to improve their health and well-being.

What Is “Cancer Alley”? Where Environmental Pollution and Poverty Meet

“Cancer alley” and “chemical corridor” are the two most common terms used to describe the 107-mile line of land between New Orleans and Baton Rouge, Louisiana. According to Perlin et al., this area has become home to more than 1.2 million people (30). The following parishes make up this territory: St. James, East Baton Rouge, Ascension, Iberville, West Baton Rouge, St. Charles, Orleans, Jefferson, and others (Perlin et al. 30). The name “Cancer Alley” was created, due to the exceptionally high number of industrial and toxic facilities that are located in this area. “The seven-parish industrial corridor has the highest density of petrochemical industries in the nation and possibly the world” (Billings 119-20). The Environmental Protection Agency ranks the “Cancer Alley” among the American territories with top pollution discharges (Blodgett 649). This area is also referred to as “Cancer Alley” because of the numerous health problems facing the local communities (Blodgett 649).

The “Cancer Alley” is a chemical corridor, which holds 11 percent of all American petrochemical reserves (Wright 102). The state of Louisiana has nineteen refineries, which produce about 17 billion gasoline gallons every year (Wright 102). Not surprisingly, the state is claimed to have one of the highest levels of toxic waste production per capita (Singer 142). It is “filled with what aptly has been described as “Oz-like cities of steel pipe, cylinders, and tanks […] steam billows from cooling towers, and flames from burning chemical waste leap from 200-foot-high stacks strange odors and a fine mist fill the air” (142). 160 million tons of toxic sediments are carried by the local water streams every year (Billings 115). The state of Louisiana reports 17 thousand new cases of cancer annually (Billings 115). The risks of cancer are disproportionately higher among African Americans than Whites – the former are 16% more likely to develop cancer than the latter (James, Jia & Kedia 4365).

The “Cancer Alley” is where environmental pollution meets poverty and discrimination based on minority status. The majority of the local population is African American (Stone). Many of them also face poverty and have no definite voice in the community fight against environmental pollution (Stone). The effects of pollution in the “Cancer Alley” are much more devastating for Blacks than Whites (Blodgett 649). Just a brief analysis of the parishes located within the “chemical corridor” helps understand why the environmental pollution problem has become so grave. For instance, St. James has ranked the 90^th American territory with the highest levels of toxic releases (Blodgett 649).

Still, it is the ninth out of the ten parishes in the Mississippi corridor by the level of toxic releases, Ascension being the first (Wright 95). 16 manufacturing enterprises are located here, most of them dealing with the production of petroleum and chemical products (Blodgett 649). The parish faces low economic development and a declining population. The situation with another parish seat, Ascension, is no better. 70 percent of its population is African American (Singer 142). 73 percent of residents have only a high school diploma, and the median household income does not exceed $25,000, as compared to the national average of $50,000 (Singer 142). 32 percent of the parish’s population lives below the poverty line (Singer 142). These social and economic conditions create a favorable land for environmental pollution when chemical enterprises conquer new pieces of land and use the suffering minority populations as a chief source of cheap labor.

Arguments from Various Stakeholders

Different stakeholders hold different views on the “Cancer Alley” problem. Community members are almost unanimous in that the chemical enterprises located in their area have extremely damaging impacts on their health and well-being. Steve Lerner tells the story of Margie Richard, who lives in Norco, 25 miles away from New Orleans, where residential streets are scattered and squeezed between industrial plants and oil refineries (Lerner 97). The air has the smell of ammonia; the chemical flares are so bright that no streetlights are needed at night (Lerner 97). Margie, her daughter, and her son have asthma (Lerner 97). Sarcoidosis, which generally impacts one in 1,000 Americans, has already killed five out of 500 residents in Norco (Lerner 97).

Stories of chemical spills and technological disasters are abounding. Not surprisingly, many residents perceive environmental pollution and the growing number of industrial facilities as a continuation of the history of racial and environmental discrimination (Berry 16). Even in the absence of relevant scientific knowledge, most community residents link their health problems to the toxins released by the chemical enterprises located in the “Cancer Alley” (Singer 153). The singer does not provide any detailed information to explain this fact. However, according to Singer, residents also believe that various agricultural practices, namely, the burning of sugar cane fields, add to the devastating impacts of the chemical industry on their health (154).

No less persuasive are the environmentalists. According to Stone, the entire population is constantly exposed to enormous amounts of toxins. In some towns, the population has reduced by two-thirds, due to the deaths caused by arsenic and vinyl chloride poisoning (Stone). Children go to school, wearing respirators (Stone). Several communities have already disappeared from the map (Stone). In this context, environmentalists often point to the problem of environmental racism, when environmental pollution disproportionately impacts minority populations (Nixon). In the meantime, industry leaders continue insisting that the “Cancer Alley” is nothing but a myth.

The Louisiana Chemical Association tries to persuade the public that the “Cancer Alley” is a term coined by environmentalists in the 1980s to promote the idea that industrial manufacturing in the Louisiana region is responsible for the growing health and social risks. Members of the Louisiana Chemical Association believe that the “Cancer Alley” is a myth, which was consistently dispelled by numerous empirical studies. The Association refers to the Cato Institute, which called the “Cancer Alley” a convenient environmental myth. Moreover, members of the Association are confident that the “Cancer Alley” myth impedes the economic and industrial development in the area.

Industry stakeholders insist that their activities do not cause any health complications in the “Cancer Alley” residents: for example, they suggest that one in three people gets cancer, regardless of where he (she) lives (Louisiana Chemical Association). Also, they claim that it is natural for people to blame someone for their social and health mischief (Louisiana Chemical Association). Still, these stakeholders cannot deny that the number of industrial manufacturers and the amount of toxic wastes they produce is unprecedentedly higher than the nation’s averages. It is difficult to imagine that, with so many chemical enterprises and oil refineries built in the “Cancer Alley”, they would have minor or no visible impacts on the local population’s health.

The “Cancer Alley” Evidence

Despite numerous claims that the “Cancer Alley” is responsible for health problems and cancer deaths, the evidence supporting these claims is highly inconclusive. According to Billings, the rates of cancer in the “chemical corridor” are either equal to or lower than the national incidence and prevalence of the most common forms of cancer, including prostate, colon, breast, and rectum (120). Billings writes that the only exception to this rule is lung cancer, as its rates are much higher than those across the state (120). Instead of blaming the environment, Billings suggests that it is due to heavy tobacco use and genetic proclivity that so many Louisiana residents die of lung cancer (121). Blodgett further confirms that, because the state’s Tumor Registry is still being developed, it is difficult to confirm that residents of the “Cancer Alley” are particularly susceptible to various cancers and pollution-related health problems (649).

Koeppel uses a different set of statistical data: everyone in the “Cancer Alley” knows someone, who is diagnosed with cancer (16). Children are particularly vulnerable to the risks of cancer. In a small town with 14,000 residents, six children were diagnosed with neuroblastoma – a rate that exceeds the nation’s average 100-120 times (Koeppel 16). Cancer is equally dangerous to humans and animals (Koeppel 16). Singer also describes the “Cancer Alley” as home to poverty and sickness, although no definite statistics were provided (142). In this situation, industry leaders find it easier to manipulate the existing data and promote their interests. In the meantime, thousands of people keep suffering from the lack of the most vital resources, including clean air and water. Undoubtedly, future research is needed to stop the continuous violation of fundamental human rights in the “chemical corridor.”

The “Cancer Alley” and Law

Contemporary environmental protection philosophies are based on the premise that everyone has the right to clean air and water. Today, environmental justice philosophy has come to dominate the environmental protection field. Numerous laws were passed to ensure that all communities are treated fairly and have access to basic environmental resources. The current situation in the “Cancer Alley” indicates severe violations of the existing laws.

The industrial leaders in the “Cancer Alley” violate two pieces of legislation: Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the National Environmental Policy Act of 1969 (Blodgett 648-9). Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 prohibits all types of discrimination, based on the color of skin, race, or national origin. This law is particularly useful in the fight for clean air in the “Cancer Alley” because many industrial manufacturers receive federal subsidies and should be held responsible for their environmental pollution acts (Blodgett 649). The National Environmental Policy Act of 1969 requires that the federal authorities prepare a public document to confirm that all environmental regulations are being met and the industrial manufacturers do not pose any threat to public health (Blodgett 649). In case such a report is not submitted, community residents can file a lawsuit to protect their rights. The main question in this situation is what exactly the community residents can do to solve the problem of environmental pollution.

Solving the “Cancer Alley” Problem

Numerous attempts have been made to reduce the scope of environmental pollution in the “Cancer Alley.” Berry describes the way the local communities organize to become an effective activist against the power of multinational corporations (3). However, a single attempt will never resolve all environmental justice dilemmas in Louisiana. Today, community members need to link their interests to those of the larger groups that have experience and expertise solving similar problems. Blodgett recommends gaining legal representation (648), which means educating the victims of environmental pollution about their rights and creating community alliances that will help them move up the national environmental justice ladder. With the growing availability of relevant information, the “Cancer Alley” community has everything it might need in its fight for survival. The researchers do not provide any specific recommendations to alleviate the burden of the toxic problems facing Cancer Alley residents. However, based on their propositions, residents could organize a support group and try to contact other advocacy groups and professionals to achieve the desired level of public representation. All they need is to be more active in their striving to protect their health and the future of their children.

Conclusion

The “Cancer Alley” is a line of land stretching 107 miles between Baton Rouge and New Orleans, Louisiana. The name “Cancer Alley” was coined to reflect the enormous concentration of industrial and toxic manufacturing enterprises in this area, which lead to serious health complications and deaths. Despite the lack of empirical evidence and differences in stakeholders’ beliefs, the situation in the “Cancer Alley” has profound environmental justice implications. The industrial manufacturers located in the area leave residents without any chance to improve their lives, while they are trying to defend their right to clean water and air. By developing alliances with national advocacy groups, the “Cancer Alley” will finally make a step towards realizing residents’ hopes for a better life.

Works Cited

Berry, Gregory R. “Organizing Against Multinational Corporate Power in Cancer Alley: The Activist Community as Primary Stakeholder.” Organization Environment, 16 (2003): 3-33. Print.

Billings, Frederic. “Cancer Corridors and Toxic Terrors – Is It Safe to Eat and Drink?” Transactions of the American Clinical and Climatological Association, 116 (2005): 115-25. Print.

Blodgett, Abigail D. “An Analysis of Pollution and Community Advocacy in ‘Cancer Alley’: Setting an Example for the Environmental Justice Movement in St. James Parish, Louisiana.” Local Environment, 11.6 (2006): 647-61. Print.

James, Wesley, Chunrong Jia & Satish Kedia. “Uneven Magnitude of Disparities in Cancer Risks from Air Toxics.” International Journal of Environmental Research & Public Health, 9 (2012): 4365-85. Print.

Koeppel, Barbara. “Cancer Alley, Louisiana.” The Nation, 8 November (1999): 16-24.

Lerner, Steve. “My Address? Cancer Alley, USA.” Vegetarian Times, April (2005): 96-9. Print.

Louisiana Chemical Association. “Fighting the Cancer Alley Myth.” Louisiana Chemical Association, n.d. Web.

Nixon, Ron. “Louisiana Promotes Toxic Racism.” Project Censored, Fall 1998. Web.

Perlin, SusanA., Ken Sexton, and David W. Wong. “An Examination of Race and Poverty for Populations Living Near Industrial Sources of Air Pollution.” Journal of Exposure Analysis and Environmental Epidemiology, 9 (1999): 29- 48. Print.

Singer, Merrill. “Down Cancer Alley: The Lived Experience of Health and Environmental Sufferings in Louisiana’s Chemical Corridor.” Medical Anthropology Quarterly, 25.2 (2011): 141-163. Print.

Stone, Les. “Cancer Alley – Louisiana – USA.” Witness, n.d. Web.

Wright, Beverly. “Living and Dying in Louisiana’s ‘Cancer Alley’.” In R.D. Bullard (ed.), The Quest for Environmental Justice: Human Rights and the Politics of Pollution, New York: Sierra Club Books, 2005, 87-107. Print.

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