Gangs in Prison: Black Guerrilla Family

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Table of Contents

References
Appendix A
Appendix B

Social organizations in prisons are widely discussed in press and scholarly journals in the US. These organizations, more commonly known as gangs, are a considerable bother for the US legal system since they violate incarceration rules through smuggling, illegal drug sales and use, physical violence, and sexually abusive behavior. According to Jacobs (1974), newly imprisoned people join gangs for three reasons, including social rejection, material deprivation, and sexual frustration (p. 396).

Inmate organizations promise to address these three issues in return for favors and loyalty. Moreover, gang members follow a unique body of laws, which helps prisoners to acquire coping mechanisms. This code of law allows inmates to hold a favorable picture of the self and avoid identity collapse by rejecting the rejecters (Jacobs, 1974, p. 396). For instance, Vicelords, a powerful gang in the US in the mid-1900s, had ten rules, which “Disciples” had to follow (Jacobs, 1974, p. 400). The fact that the gang members were called “Disciples” and the ten rules were a reference to the Ten Commandments demonstrate that inmates seek to find a purpose to follow.

However, some of the gang members are more pragmatic and enjoy the material pleasures the organizations have to offer. For instance, Ferranti (2014) reports that an organization named Black Guerrilla Family, or BGF, turned Maryland’s prison system into its playground. Gang members had prison guards deliver them crab imperial and Grey Goose right to the cell (Ferranti, 2014). Being a member of a gang is associated with power and financial prosperity, especially on higher levels of the hierarchy. Vicelords, for instance, offered the newcomers coffee, tea, deodorant, and soap, which are valuable behind bars (Jacob, 1974, 400).

Gang members are offered protection against violence and sexual abuse. Vicelords’ rules stated that fighting between Disciples and homosexual confrontations is not tolerated (Jacobs, 1974, p. 400). At the same time, gang members may have sex with female correctional officers in exchange for luxurious presents (Ferranti, 2014). In short, there are psychological and material reasons for inmates to join prison gangs.

While prison gangs are often thought to have a high level of organization, it is rarely the case, since ruling and resource distribution are often inconsistent and unfair. According to Ferranti (2015), there are gang members that see one or two other gang members during their incarceration. Moreover, while leadership is of crucial importance, there are no clear patterns and strategies employed by gang authorities. However, it may be stated that leadership patterns among prisons differ considerably. For instance, in maximum-security prisons, leaders are more violent and aggressive (Jacobs, 1974, p. 403).

At the same time, authorities tend to rely on wits rather than fists to control the actions of the gang members (Jacobs, 1974, p. 403). Some prison organizations may have organization structures migrate to prison from street gangs (Jacobs, 1974, p. 403). While this notion may mean that street gangs originate from the streets, it is not always the case.

There are two theories concerning the emergence of prison gangs. The indigenous theory suggests that the organization of gangs is influenced solely by the experience inside penal institutions (Jacobs, 1974, p. 396). In other words, prison gangs emerge as a response to the threats, anxieties, and needs to be experienced in prison. Moreover, the organization system is also highly influenced by the prisons’ culture.

However, there is an alternative to the theory, which states that the organization of prison gangs is highly influenced by the laws and regulations of street gangs. People are not stripped of their outside statuses after incarceration, bringing a set of values and associations to the prison (Jacobs, 1974, p. 396). For instance, some people managed to survive in prisons unharmed just because they are known to have powerful outside connections or associations with gangs (Ferranti, 2014). Therefore, inmates do not create a new culture for their organization but adapt to the norms of street gangs to the realities of penal facilities.

While the origin of prison gangs may be of little value, the understanding of the phenomenon has considerable policy implications. According to Jacobs (1974), a general acceptance of the “cultural drift” theory would force the society to support its prison system with a rationale other than rehabilitation (p. 397). In summary, the problem of prison gangs is of extreme importance since they facilitate illicit activities in penal facilities.

The focus of the present paper is BGF, which is a powerful gang that originated in California’s San Quentin facility in the 1960s (Ferranti, 2014). According to Ferranti (2015), the gang originally appeared as a reaction to protect African Americans from oppression from the Aryan Brotherhood or the Mexican Mafia. The organization was inspired by the Black Book written by Eric Brown, which “aimed at inmates as well as individuals on the street, with the intent of them using it as a guide towards improving themselves” (Ferranti, 2015, para. 4).

Morales (2013) characterizes BGF as an ideological African-American Marxist-Leninist revolutionary organization composed of prisoners (p. 5). It was created to fight off racism and maintain the dignity of African Americans in prison (Morales, 2013, p. 5). One of the original requirements was to have a life sentence (Ferranti, 2015). The gang migrated to Maryland in 1996, when Ray Olivas asked permission to start a BGF chapter in Baltimore (Ferranti, 2015).

The gang includes mostly younger adult African Americans between 20 and 30 years of age (Morales, 2013, pp. 1-96). The majority of the gang are males, however, there are some famous female members, such as Angela Davis (Morales, 2013, p. 10). The gang is allied with Bloods and Crips; however, it is in long bloody antagonistic relationships with the Mexican Mafia and the Aryan Brotherhood (Ferranti, 2015). In federal prisons, the gang is respected by other inmate organizations and correction officers (Ferranti, 2015). The research revealed no preferences in drugs or weapons; however, gang members are usually depicted using small guns, such as pistols. Today the gang is present in the streets of Maryland and California.

References

Ferranti, S. (2014). How the Black Guerrilla Family turned Maryland’s prison system into their playground. Vice. Web.

Ferranti, S. (2015). Inside the history of the Black Guerrilla Family. Guerrilla Convict. Web.

Jacobs, J. (1974). Street gangs behind bars. Social Problems 21(3), 395-409.

Morales, G. (2013). The history of the Black Guerrilla Family. Scotts Valley, CA: CreateSpace.

Appendix A

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Appendix B

Demographic Information for Cummings et al. (2002)’s Review

If an appendix consists entirely of a table or figure, the title of the table or figure should serve as the title of the appendix.

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Gangs in Prison: Black Guerrilla Family

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