The Yoruba People’s Spiritual Care

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Table of Contents

Abstract
Introduction
Spiritual Care
Women, Children, and Death
Funeral Rituals
Physical/Mental Health and Preventive Care in Yoruba Culture
Aladura or The Praying People
Conclusion
References

Abstract

The Yoruba people, an ethnic group from Nigeria and Benin, have a specific conception of spiritual care and how it should be performed. The rituals and processes vary, depending on the continent and country where Yoruba adherents live. While African Yoruba people remain, loyal supporters of the original Yoruba beliefs, the representatives of this culture in other countries show a considerable influence of Christianity on their beliefs and healing practices. As the Yoruba culture becomes more and more globalized, its people also change the initial beliefs and rituals, transforming them into new religious movements and subcultures that are heavily influenced by local religions. As of today, the Yoruba people live on six continents, bringing diversity and uniqueness into the existing cultural and religious discourse.

Introduction

The concept of spiritual care varies from religion to religion, from one folk to another. It can have different forms and is expressed in tens of practices that include certain specifics and rules. Spiritual care of the Yoruba people, represented by the set of religious practices and traditions called Orisha or Ifa (also Orisha-Ifa), is the primary theme of this paper. However, to fully understand how spiritual care is expressed in this tradition, other aspects related to religious practices will be addressed.

Yoruba people, also Àwon omo Yorùbá, are an ethnic group that lives in Central, North, and Southern Nigeria, as well as in Southern and Central Benin (Oduyoye, 1995). Their economy can be characterized as agricultural, they also pursue and develop their marketing skills; the group maintains constitutional monarchy (Oduyoye, 1995). The main and most important characteristics of this ethnic group are, however, the “non-material culture of religion and the ideologies on which human relations were built” (Oduyoye, 1995, p. 12). Their patriarchal culture is strongly linked to their religion and beliefs that evolved without the influence of world religions.

Spiritual Care

To critically evaluate the mentioned diasporan religious expressions, it is also necessary to understand what spiritual care is. Although definitions may vary, depending on the religion and traditions, spiritual care often goes hand in hand with healing practices and traditions: while the latter focuses on the physical processes, the former provides answers to questions that address spiritual areas of an individual’s life. Spiritual care is another dimension of treatment and healthcare that focuses on the mind and soul (if one believes in it) of a person (Mbiti, 2015).

Some of the most popular types of spiritual care include prayers, readings of the holy texts, singing or chanting mantras, etc. They can be used not only during treatment or healing but also when a person faces a loss or mourns somebody’s death. In this case, spiritual care turns to support during one’s difficult time. Spiritual care and activities related to it can also be used when a person wishes for something, e.g. to become pregnant or accomplish a task with success (Oduyoye, 1995). It can have various forms and aims, presenting amazingly diverse traditions.

Women, Children, and Death

In the Yoruba tradition, the three core parts of human existence are money, children, and long life without illnesses (Oduyoye, 1995). According to the author, “long life with good health… is most highly valued by the Yoruba”, while other religious communities can perceive money or children as more significant for the future of the community members (Oduyoye, 1995, p. 51). When describing several creation myths that are highly valued by the Yoruba people, Oduyoye (1995) notices that one of them explains how childless and pregnant women are perceived by the Yoruba.

Moreover, the myth called Ogboinba’s Destiny is also more or less directly linked to the women’s duty to nurture and care for the next generations that are growing up in the community. Ogboinga, a woman who was described as strong-hearted, had decided that she preferred having mystic powers to children. Ogboinga’s best friend, however, wanted to have children. Using her powers, Ogboinga helped her best friend to raise those in safety. However, Ogboinga later regretted her choice because she had realized she wanted to have both powers and heirs. After a long and dangerous journey, she finally arrived at Woyengi, the creator of humanity, the Great Mother, and decided to try her strength.

As the Great Mother was repelled by this decision, she defeated Ogboinga and eliminated her powers. However, Ogboinga’s mind escaped, hiding in the eyes of a pregnant woman; since the Great Mother had sworn that she would never kill a woman bearing a child, Ogboinga continued to live (Oduyoye, 1995). Out of this myth, a specific duty for childless women was created: today, they are expected to offer protection and help to pregnant women and their children, just as Ogboinga did with her best friend (Oduyoye, 1995). All children living in a community are to be protected and cared for by all women from the same community (Oduyoye, 1995).

Children and heirs are an important part of the patriarchal Yoruba culture; some of the tales and myths even include mention of male pregnancy (Oduyoye, 1995). However, women are the ones who are expected to care for children, even in polygynous marriages. Nevertheless, as death rates among Nigerian children can be high, folktales of the Yoruba people also demonstrate several taboos that are expected to save children from accidental death. When childless women who are unable to conceive ask the divine beings to give them a child, their wish is fulfilled, but these mothers need to follow specific rules (i.e. not to allow the child pound staple food, climb trees, etc.). If a mother breaks her promise, her child dies (Oduyoye, 1995).

Therefore, children are the center of women’s lives in the ethnic group; they are expected to agree to all demands so that their children can thrive (Oduyoye, 1995). Such admonitions result in other stories that describe how children turned to oil when they were left alone in the sun or were lost in pineapple fields because they wanted to return to their previous form (Oduyoye, 1995). Therefore, it is not only mothers that are expected to look after children, but other adults as well, including fathers, or women from the community. Another ritual of care that is linked to children is a burial. In the Yoruba culture, children are to bury their parents; therefore, this custom requires all families to have children (Oduyoye, 1995).

A specific attitude to mothers is also driven by the mentioned myths. Since men cannot be pregnant (and if they do become pregnant in folktales, they die), a mother is considered to be the source of life, and therefore must be praised. Mothers’ duties towards children and family are expressed in the following proverb: “mother is as precious as gold; father as the radiant glass” (Oduyoye, 1995, p. 71). This proverb implies that mothers are responsible for the stability and happiness of their children. Moreover, mothers’ care for their children (i.e. siblings) is more encouraged than care for other children, even if the father is the same. Siblings from one mother are expected to have closer relationships: ” True sibling relations are with those who are one’s mother’s children” (Oduyoye, 1995, p. 72). It remains unclear, however, what is the father’s role in relationships between siblings.

Husbands’ duties are discussed in less detail by Oduyoye (1995); nevertheless, the author still provides insights into their responsibilities towards wives. While some sources state that husband is obliged to maintain his wife, others indicate that a woman must support herself and her children (mostly when they are still infants) (Oduyoye, 1995). If a wife works in her husband’s enterprise, he is obliged to compensate her with presents and gifts (Oduyoye, 1995).

As can be seen, the rules and laws that govern the lives of men and women in Yoruba communities can be contradictory; they often are. However, as their folktales state, women are in charge of caring for children and other women as well. Although the Yoruba communities in Nigeria have particular tales that are focused on saving a child from accidents and early death, the world that the person enters after their death is equal to all. This world bears no similarity to heaven or hell but is rather a supernatural place where spirits reside. These spirits can then be reborn in the human world. However, not all Yoruba communities have the same view of the afterlife. Yoruba adherents in Brazil believe in rebirth as well, but some of the spirits can be reborn and die quickly, only to be reborn again (Olupona & Rey, 2008). These spirits are called abiku (“born to die”); in the African Yoruba culture, this definition was used to explain the high rates of child mortality (Olupona & Rey, 2008). However, Brazil representatives of the Yoruba culture perform specific rituals to prevent the death of an “abiku”.

Funeral Rituals

Funeral rituals of the Yoruba culture in different diasporas can vary; while the African Yoruba communities repeat the rituals that are performed after the birth so that they can establish the balance disrupted by death, Brazilian funeral ceremonies in Candomblé are significantly different from the African rituals. Candomblé is a religion that has its roots in the Yoruba culture but has transformed and creolized during the years. These funeral rites, called the axexê ritual, have opposite aims: they undo the rituals and initiations that were performed to deepen the religious ties of an individual after she or he was born (Olupona & Rey, 2008).

When a funeral ritual in Candomblé is performed, it releases the spirit from its bonds and liberates it. Although the African and the Brazilian rituals seem distant from each other, axexê is directly linked to the Yoruba’s ritual ajeje. Even the name of the ritual is a corrupted version of the African one. Ajeje is linked to the sacrifice of an animal that was made when a hunter in a community died; the adherents believed that the meat of this animal would be eaten by the spirit of the deceased. Axexê is a ritual that praises the one who has passed, and the ceremonies begin immediately after the person’s death. First, the head of the departed is washed with water and amassi, a sacral herbal potion (Olupona & Rey, 2008). It is a symbolic inversion of the initiation’s ritual that aims to break the spirit’s bonds with the world of the living. It should be noted, however, that the axexê can vary from nation to nation, community to community.

As can be seen, the ritual is capable of developing different forms, depending on the specifics of the community, people, and country. Therefore, it seems reasonable to assume that the Yoruba culture and rituals in different diasporas might be based on such detached beliefs that they become oppositions to the original African rituals. The axexê in Brazil normally includes five stages: music and dance are followed by “possession, with at least the presence of Oya”; later, sacrifices and offerings are made, but the possessions of the deceased are destroyed or sent away so that the spirit is not held back by any of the objects (Olupona & Rey, 2008, p. 443). Nevertheless, some of the objects still can be inherited by members of the group. Other objects that were destroyed or broken during the ritual are sent away in a basket. Religious belongings of the deceased should not remain in the temple and are sent away as well (Olupona & Rey, 2008).

Although the main aim of such a ritual is to destroy the bonds between the spirit and the living world, it is also believed that during it, the spirit can express his or her wishes. That is why when the objects of this person are broken, the priest who is also the supervisor of the ritual is obliged to use cowry shells that will help them understand which of the objects are to be inherited by friends and family (Olupona & Rey, 2008). The main problem of such rituals is their sophistication and the lack of priests and priestesses that can perform them. The adherents of Candomblé often have to engage other priests who are not familiar with this religion and not qualified enough to perform such rituals.

The price is often extremely high, and poor members of the community, no matter how religious they are, are not able to cover the expenses needed for the ritual. As Olupona and Rey (2008) state, Candomblé experts have become professional priests who are familiar with the details and specifics of the axexê (p. 445). Their work, however, requires to be paid, and the price is often unaffordable, especially for communities with no financial stability; priests and priestesses who can perform the ceremony do not agree to work for free even for the good of their community. Thus, the ritual of axexê, as well as other rituals and ceremonies, slowly fades from the daily life of diasporas.

Physical/Mental Health and Preventive Care in Yoruba Culture

In the Yoruba culture, the head of a person has an important role both as a spiritual and anatomical object. Yoruba people believe that spirits enter ahead through its scalp; moreover, any person also has a so-called “inner head” or destiny that can be foreseen with the help of a diviner (Bhui, 2012). The culture has various definitions for specific psychological distresses or illnesses, e.g. warapa (epilepsy or grand mal type seizures) or irewesi ocan (depression, fatigue) (Bhui, 2012). Although this culture recognizes the presence of illnesses, they are often stigmatized. For example, there is a belief that if a person experiences seizures, their saliva can transmit the disease to others. Therefore, people can refuse to help a person during seizures because they fear to experience similar convulsions (Bhui, 2012).

Alternative therapy is widely spread among Yoruba peoples in Africa; some of them suggest cow’s urine might be helpful during a convulsion, while others advice to place the feet of the person on hot coals (Bhui, 2012). Although the approach to and view of mental health are not as stigmatized in African diasporas in the USA as they are in Nigeria, they are still linked to the beliefs and superstitions of the original culture. Jegede (2002) states that 96.5% of the respondents who took part in the survey named the following major causes of illnesses: enemies (witchcraft/sorcery), gods or ancestors, natural illnesses, and hereditary diseases (p. 328). The diseases that were inflicted by gods are perceived as incurable and can only be treated with the help of a traditional healer (Jegede, 2002). A traditional healer contacts the Oracle (Ifa) to understand the reason behind disease or infection.

Although childhood diseases were perceived as normal and common, some of the respondents had noted that these could be a cause of gods’ wrath (Jegede, 2002). What is more, traditional healers also had the power both to heal or to cause diseases. The members of the Yoruba community also believed that diseases could be a result of a certain spell that enemies or witches cast upon a person. It is necessary to point out that spells are also used as a defense against sorcerers, providing a person with protection and decreasing the length of treatment (Jegede, 2002).

The fact that the respondents did not try to seek modern health care is raising concerns since particular diseases are impossible to cure with traditional methods. Even the most common illnesses such as cold and fever can result in significant complications if not treated correctly. However, the members of the group preferred consulting traditional healers rather than trying to ask for help in a hospital.

Aladura or The Praying People

It would not be correct to perceive the Yoruba culture as a phenomenon that is most widespread in Africa and the Americas due to colonization. The Yoruba culture has been globalized, existing on different continents, developing new forms, and gaining new adherents. The Aladura, translated as “possessors of prayers” or “the praying people”, have emerged among the Yoruba groups in the 1920s in Western Nigeria (Olupona & Rey, 2008). Various churches can be included in this category, such as the Church of the Lord, Aladura, Church of the Seven Seals of God, and others (Olupona & Rey, 2008). The rise of the Aladura churches in Europe began in the 1960s, when Nigerian students and business travelers came to the United Kingdom and eventually became permanent residents, introducing a new religious movement to locals (Olupona & Rey, 2008).

The adherents of the Aladura claim that they are ready to “throw open hands of fellowship to people of all races and colors” who want to become a member or are interested in joining the church (Olupona & Rey, 2008, p. 251). The mission of the Aladura Christianity is to bring Christ to all nations, as they state; this belief resulted in various social warfare programs that the members of the church-sponsored and promoted. The Aladura have thus provided rehabilitation to drug-addicted teenagers and young adults, have manifested vulnerable populations such as refugees, underrepresented, underprivileged, asylum seekers, etc. (Olupona & Rey, 2008). Their missionary work has developed into a robust social movement that provided solutions to social issues, helped with visa approvals and deportation orders (Olupona & Rey, 2008).

The concept of healing in the Aladura movement was influenced by the Yoruba culture, but it still preserves its special approach, similar to the Christian one. Aladura believes that sin is the main cause of illnesses and diseases. Therefore, repentance is the only tool capable of eliminating a person’s suffering (Oshun, 2000). The Aladura Pentecostals, a movement within Protestant Christianity, has an extended list of healing practices that include faith in God and Jesus Christ, repentance, prayer, fasting, use of candles, oil, water, a crucifix(es), ritual cleansing and bathing, chain-prayer, etc. (Oshun, 2000). Moreover, the Aladura also has spiritual healers who are capable of returning the balance to the life of an individual. As the Aladura relies on dreams and images during the healing, these healers are often perceived as visionaries or prophets who have second sight or can be gifted with messages from the Lord (Oshun, 2000). Other healers are called prayer vessels (those who can pray unceasingly); at last, some healers can “exercise all the gifts of the Holy Spirit” (Oshun, 2000, p. 248).

The healing process itself includes observation of symptoms, consultation with a prophet (a link to the Yoruba practice of consultation with a healer), diagnosis through trance, revelations, and dreams (Oshun, 2000). A treatment includes confession of sin, prayer during the interview, or chain-prayer during an altar call, observation of results, praise, and follow-ups to confirm faith (Oshun, 2000). Unlike Yoruba people, the Aladura regards healing primarily as a holistic and spiritual experience, while the Yoruba also engages physical healing (e.g. use of herbs, potions, specific foods, etc.). Here, one can observe the influence of Christianity that postulates the healing of a body is only possible if its soul is also free from any harm or malice (i.e. sin).

The Yoruba’s use of spells to treat an individual is substituted by prayers and visions, as well as the use of ritual tools such as oil, crucifix, and bells (Oshun, 2000). If the Yoruba people prefer being healed in their or the healer’s house, the Aladura’s designated places are the sanctuary, the powerhouse, and the mercy ground of a church, as well as desolate places like mountain tops or waterfronts (Oshun, 2000). As it can be seen, the difference between the Yoruba and the Aladura is significant, although the latter emerged from the former: while the Yoruba groups presume witchcraft and curse to be the main reasons behind health issues, the Aladura see both the natural and the supernatural (demonic) causes as sinful and stress the importance of confession and repentance.

Conclusion

The Yoruba culture has become globalized and transformed into various religious movements; some of those are so heavily influenced by other religions that it may be challenging to understand how they are connected to the Yoruba culture. Spiritual care in these movements can vary and includes chanting, spells, use of special potions, witchcraft even. Those movements that were influenced by Christianity use prayers, confessions, and other Christian practices to provide spiritual care.

References

Bhui, K. (2012). Culture and mental health: A comprehensive textbook. Boca Raton, FL: CRC Press.

Jegede, A.S. (2002). The Yoruba cultural construction of health and illness. Nordic Journal of African Studies, 11(3), 322-335.

Mbiti, J. S. (2015). Introduction to African religion. Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press.

Oduyoye, A.M. (1995). Daughters of Anowa: African women and patriarchy. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books.

Olupona, J. K., & Rey, T. (2008). Òrisà devotion as world religion: The globalization of Yorùbá religious culture. Madison, WI: The University of Wisconsin Press

Oshun, C.O. (2000). Healing practices among Aladura Pentecostals: An intercultural study. Missionalia, 28(2/3), 242-252.

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