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Executive Summary
Since the East African Community’s (EAC) reconstitution in 1999, the community has witnessed several accomplishments. These include the establishment of the EAC Customs Union and the strengthening of the East African Community identity. The organization has also succeeded in developing communication and transportation systems, harmonizing economic policies, launching Lake Victoria Commission and deepening co-operation in different fields, among other developments.
The decision to re-establish the East African Community is impressive. It will allow the East African member states to sustain the forces of globalization as well as increase their own political and social standing amongst the states in the region. This will only be realized when the member states address or overcome the challenges arising from their individual economies, politics, overlapping membership, financial resources, and social backgrounds. The EAC has singled out these challenges as the main barriers to its stability. As such, it has instituted various instruments to ensure it remains a distinct and united entity into the future and ultimately improve the welfare of East African citizens.
Introduction
The East African Community (EAC) is a regional inter-Governmental entity. It is made up of the Republics of Uganda, Kenya, Rwanda, Burundi, and Tanzania. It has its headquarters in Arusha, Tanzania. The common languages spoken in the Federation are English, Kiswahili, Kirundi, and Kinyarwanda. Owing to their historical ties with France, Burundi and Rwanda speak French.
The original EAC was established in 1967. However, it became a cropper in 1977 because of a number of reasons. Mumbai (263) cites the problems leading to the organization’s failure as poor organizational structure and differences in political ideologies between the founding partner states. Mumbai (265) further demonstrates that there was little input by the citizenry in decision making, coupled with a lack of a structure to manage shared services.
Anyone gives a similar account on the collapse of the original EAC. He illustrates the fact that there was a lack of compensatory mechanisms for addressing inequalities in sharing costs and benefits of integration, which contributed to its collapse (125). In 2000, the organization was revived after Tanzania, Uganda and Kenya had signed a Treaty in 1999. Burundi and Rwanda were granted full membership in the EAC after complying with the Treaty in 2007.
According to Senghor, the objective of EAC is coined around a deepening and widening co-operation between partner states in activities which can empower the region (22). This means that it aims at achieving sustainable growth and development of its member states by promoting healthy and harmonious development across the board. It also strives to strengthen and promote cooperation (in agreed fields), which is intended to contribute to equitable economic growth and better living standards of the citizenry in member states. Further, the organization aims at consolidating and strengthening prevailing economic, political, social, traditional and cultural ties as well as associations between the peoples of member states. In other words, it strives to encourage a people-centered development across the membership.
Similarly, the organization aims at promoting security, peace, and stability, as well as encouraging healthy neighborliness among member states. This is a critical component in nourishing regional growth and development. The organization covers an estimated surface area of 1.82 sq. kilometers and has a total population of about 133.5 million people, sharing a common language, infrastructure, culture, and history. Besides, it has a Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of $74.5 billion.
This research paper seeks to determine the likelihood and viability of the East African Community. The paper traces the causes of the EAC challenges and outlines some of the challenges facing the organization. The paper then evaluates these challenges and determines the diplomatic efforts needed to ensure success in the future. Strategies and efforts being employed by the EAC to address the challenges such as strengthening the Private Sector Development to improve the economy, legislation, containment of security risks as well as strengthening institutions to promote good governance, among others, are the basis for its viability in the future.
Causes of Stabilization Challenges
Establishing the EAC was envisaged to be people-driven. Thus, to achieve this goal, the EA Commission subjected its draft Treaty to public scrutiny from May 1998 to April 1999. Regrettably, the answer to the question posed by the first Secretary-General, Ambassador Francis Nassali, as to whether the people of East Africa were involved in forming East Africa’s Integration policies was an emphatic NO! (Nassali 115).
Utilizing Nassali’s perspective, establishing the EAC has largely been a top-down process involving the governments of the region, with the common people barely informed, consulted or educated about the process (Nassali 115). The style and language of the body remain elitist and bureaucratic. Besides, there are no suitable and well-funded organs in place to produce and package information for distribution to the people within member states.
The masses of women, workers, youth, and peasants, in their respective organizations and communities, have not been involved in the operation or activities of the EAC. Although the East African people as the beneficiaries of cooperation are represented by their respective governments, the same governments have mistakenly conceptualized them as gullible individuals. This means the people have no capacity to contribute to the growth of the cooperation, but, instead, they are expected to undertake whatever their protective governments decide. Hence, these issues have entrenched and created challenges in the political, economic and social activities of the organization ultimately affecting its operations (Ogutu 46).
Stabilization Challenges Facing the East Africa Community Economic
Economic
Bakari contends that a critical evaluation of the EAC member states shows that the region is characterized by widespread poverty (9). This is marked by low per capita income, low productivity, low-level human development, undiversified economic systems dominated by agriculture, and a host of other constraints. These issues have hampered the activities of the EAC.
Besides, the lack of a clear strategy to enhance Private Sector Development (PSD) mirrors the divergent economic and social paths pursued by the EAC member countries. According to Anyong ever since the day of independence, Kenya has embraced capitalist development whereas Tanzania has consistently pursued the socialist path where the PSD had little effect (83).
Uganda’s direction, on the other hand, is less discernable. It began with socialism as articulated in the Common Man’s Charter (Anyong 86). This approach was then interrupted by political mayhem that triumphed until law and order were finally restored in 1986. Rwanda and Burundi were handicapped. This was as a result of the civil wars that occurred in 1994. These constraints have hampered economic development, or rather; they have made the progress of economic growth between the members slow.
According to Anyong, one problem that contributed to the collapse of the original EAC in 1977 was biased, in terms of sharing economic remunerations ensuing from regional markets (124). This remains an enormous challenge to the reformed EAC. It is a problem the EAC needs to communicate to ensure its viability and stability in the future.
Financial Resources
The EAC Secretariat (1) asserts that contributions to the EAC budgets always arrive late, besides the fact that it is less than the minimum requirement. Thus, the lateness of remissions and under-contributions to the organization are some of the barriers making integration of the organization regionally a challenge. Further, the EAC Secretariat (2) notes that the other financial difficulty is donors. The secretariat argues that the donor funds for research and studies are strictly for short-term requirements. The financial resources limit the organization’s operations as significant resources are necessary to carry out its activities such as improving infrastructure and strengthening its organs.
Overlapping Membership
The EAC membership encounters the problem of overlapping membership to other regional bodies. This has left a little room for concentrating on strengthening the EAC goals. The membership overlaps amongst other regional bodies such as the SADC and COMESA. For example, Uganda is a member of both organizations. Tanzania, on the other hand, withdrew from the COMESA to join SADC. The intensifying rivalry between the COMESA and SADC is poised to quickly recede into arbitrary re-alignment of sub-regional and regional forces, rendering the EAC co-existence a dangerous eventuality (Community Development Programme for Africa).
Despite the organization’s efforts to thwart overlapping membership in order to achieve a complete division of labor and improve the framework for intergovernmental cooperation in the Federation, the community has encountered critical challenges. These challenges include the unwillingness or fear of some states to relinquish some elements of their national sovereignty to the imperatives of regional solidarity.
Political
The political challenge is a thorny issue that has affected the EAC. Most member states are engulfed in fear, in the sense that they will forfeit their autonomy. This is mostly in the minds of the political elites of East Africa (EAC Secretariat 2). The worry is that, as an Association, the partner states would have fewer powers. Similarly, Senghor (22) holds that the primary drivers of the EAC member states are divided. Tanzania wishes to embrace the Pan-African Vision, Uganda seeks outlets of its surplus labor force, whereas Kenya strives to export its surplus capital. Thus, the commitment to the EAC idea is seen as somewhat narrow.
Also, there exist other significant differences between member states. For example, Museveni’s success in gaining a third term after amending the constitution of Uganda raises doubts amongst member countries. The one-party rule in Tanzania and the parliamentary rule in Uganda are unattractive to Kenyans. Kenyan politicians embrace politics of ethnicity whereas Tanzania does not. Unique political thinking by the political class with a view to creating a developmental state is present in Rwanda. This is, perhaps, to protect the Tutsi group against the return to ethnic conflicts. Further, partner states are unwilling to relinquish membership with other regional organizations. This has complicated mutual understanding between the partner states.
Tanzania gives a clear demonstration. Their view is that establishing a common market will permit free movement labor and capital, which Tanzanians are against. The free movement of human labor is perceived as beneficial to Uganda and Kenya and has significant benefits for Tanzania. These challenges have brought confusion in the EAC towards achieving their goals.
Another thorny political issue island. Most Tanzanians do not fully support the EAC. This is because Tanzanians have more land than the rest of the EAC member countries. Therefore, they fear that other EAC citizens will come and grab their precious land. The land shortage is a persistent problem among East African states. Some countries such as Kenya have witnessed communal or tribal clashes as a result of this issue.
Security
The EAC functions in a region which remains conflict-prone. Although, after several years of political tumult, the region is experiencing relative stability, the possibility for new violence remains high. This is because the EAC block borders three conflict zones, i.e. Eastern Congo, Somalia, and Sudan. The conflicts ensuing in these countries make the member states within the EAC exposed to global inundation of firearms and refugees as well as the general spillover effects of war (EAC Mid-Term Review for EAC Development Strategy).
Similarly, the conflicts taking place on the Kenya-Ethiopia border are no near to completion, thus, it poses a long-term risk to the stability of the region. EAC Mid-Term Review for EAC Development Strategy shows persistent threats. Thus, the East African region could spill into a vicious cycle of underdevelopment, which is aggravated by weak rule of law, poor governance and high-level inequality (EAC Mid-Term Review for EAC Development Strategy).
According to EAC Mid-Term Review for EAC Development Strategy report the region is becoming a strategic location for trafficking persons and illicit drugs to Europe, Middle East and elsewhere. Hence, this is a common problem which is a formidable challenge to the EAC and its member states. Similarly, in Uganda, the Lord’s Resistance Army, LRA, has increased its attacks on civilians in Southern Sudan and the Central African Republic. This has contributed to increased numbers of internally displaced persons and refugees. According to Community Development Programme for Africa, the LRA remains active in Uganda and has increased attacks on civilians through maiming children, killings, abductions, forced recruitment, and sexual abuse.
Social
Despite the EAC urgency to create jobs, wealth and guarantee peace and security, these objectives remain fiction. The notion of regional integration is controversial and has witnessed mixed reactions. The EAC recognizes that member states have enjoyed similar historical, cultural and commercial ties; they have similar common law jurisdictions and educational backgrounds. They also recognize that no individual country on the continent can achieve economic progress or succeed in fulfilling all the hopes of its people without collaborating with others.
For instance, of the three East African countries between 1990 and 1997, only Uganda managed to sustain an average real GDP growth rate of more than three percent, with the rest either static or declining (Ogutu 45). Thus, there exists a revived impetus for re-integration contradicted by sentiments of lame and consternation among the ordinary men about the actual or rather economic benefits of regional cooperation where the playing field is not even. Ideally, the EAC should be a tool for nation-building and satisfying basic needs.
The cynicism of the EAC is compounded by the difficulty in evaluating the performance for economic integration because many factors cannot be quantified. Costs are immediate, whereas benefits accrue in the long-term. For example, the growth rates of the three EAC members are not encouraging. Tanzania is the only economy that has recorded a growth rate of 4.8 percent compared to 4.0 percent in 1998.
In Uganda, the GDP recorded a growth rate of 5.1 percent which was lower than the projected rate of 7.0 percent (East African Business Council). In Kenya, the GDP growth rate continued to decline from 2.8 percent in 1997, 1.8 percent in 1998 to 1.4 percent in 1999. These facts render the disillusionment of people with their governments. The realities of the poor as they face poverty, poor governance, lack of basic needs compounded by the growing gap between the rulers and the governed have contributed to the sense of powerlessness of the people.
The EAC also experiences the issue of forced displacement. The region faces a serious implication for the movement of people, especially protecting the marginalized population. Historically, the East Africa region has been a significant producer and recipient of persons forcibly displaced from their accustomed places of habitation (Anyong 129). Ethnicity, political and ethnic clashes within neighboring countries of East Africa have had a detrimental effect on the region because of the numbers of forced migrants created.
The 45-year-old Sudanese conflict between the North and the South and the Tutsi/Hutu divide and genocide in Rwanda have had terrible results. Additionally, the region has experienced increased tension and conflict in Somalia, Ethiopia, Zanzibar, and Congo. This has only aggravated the estimates.
Similarly, refugees and displaced persons are typically viewed as a security risk, hence; the EAC member states have involved the military in dealing with their problems and their settlement near borders. Three EAC countries have been guilty of double standards. Similarly, the military has been implicated in the “clean up” of foreigners as was the case in Tanzania in 1997. The government of Kenya nullified the permits issued by the UNHCR in 1998, in Uganda; there are allegations of cross border terrorist activities.
The Way Forward Stabilization Economics
Economic
To ensure the future validity of the EAC, it should endeavor to devise strategies for economic growth in the region which should ultimately contribute to better living standards among member countries. The organization has to make the regional integration provision to be more outward-looking, consistent and with a more open version of regionalism. Similarly, it should be noted that in addition to reducing trade quotas and tariffs, the EAC should also aim at deepening integration and eradication of a wide range of non-trade barriers (EAC Secretariat). This will allow the member countries to exploit the opportunities created by the economies of scale arising from globalization.
The role of the private sector is largely overlooked by the EAC. It must be recognized that integrating the private sector is essential in achieving economic freedom in the region. In recent times, the organization has recognized the importance of the sector in the economic development of the region. Private sector-driven economic integration is driven by a higher level of private sector participation of the regional economy. They have recognized this and the sector’s operations have increased in scope because of redefining the role of governments by minimizing their engagement indirect business dealings. The EAC has opined that the PSD would be a tremendous contribution to the regional development goals, speeding up economic growth, reducing poverty, increasing wealth, creating jobs, strengthening markets and improving the region’s global competitiveness.
The EAC has allowed individual member states to develop exclusive economic strategies based on the documents available at the EAC secretariat. For example, the Ugandan government has utilized these documents by adopting Vision 2020 and Medium Term Competitive Strategy (EAC Secretariat). The strategy presents a comprehensive system to support PSD. The policy contains broad thematic areas such as access to infrastructure and finance as key issues, and legal regulatory framework as a critical ingredient in raising the costs of business, institutional reforms, and trade policy. Also, a distinct unit has been created within the Ministry of Finance and Planning to coordinate its implementation. Tanzania has adopted Vision 205, SME Policy and the BEST Programme.
The BEST Programme is to be implemented in a five-year period. It has five basic parts including improving commercial dispute resolution and achieving better regulations. On the other hand, Kenya has adopted the Economic Recovery Strategy for Wealth and Employment Creation. The policy grants preference to sound governance and rule of law, creating the environment for investment and investing in human capital for the poor and places an emphasis on developing SMEs among others (EAC Secretariat). These policy documents have provided economical and up-to-date information and positioned these governments strategically in developing their own economies. Thus, it is envisaged that these strategies will lead the EAC to stability in the future.
Financial
The organization has developed a diplomatic policy or strategy among the member countries on how to attract funding to support the institutions and organs of the organization. To strengthen its financial resources and avoid future failure, the EAC conference held in Arusha created the EAC Fund. The fund is aimed at financing projects that will assist member states. It also serves as a compensatory mechanism for member states which have poor infrastructures and undeveloped industrial sectors. This projection shows that the future of the EAC is valid.
Security
To address the security and political challenges within the EAC member states, the organization has prompted its members to take full ownership of security matters and embrace political goodwill. To strengthen the region’s peace and stability as well as improve political stability, the organization allows its member states to do everything within their ability to adopt international standards in handling criminal syndicates and crimes.
This will allow law enforcers to acquire the needed skills to manage crime. Similarly, the EAC member states have started showing signs of believing in good governance, rule of law and market-driven policies. These factors are crucial in shaping a common political arena that will help determine the social, political and economic cooperation which will eventually create a unified and stable political alliance.
Another critical step is legislation. The EAC countries have taken different initiatives in legislating crime-related laws that meet international standards to prevent crime. For example, on money laundering Kenya has introduced the Anti- Money Laundering legislation (AML); in Uganda, a bill was presented in parliament. Tanzania, Burundi, and Rwanda passed the AML legislation between 2008 and 2009.
On drug trafficking, the EAC member countries have fixed a formal partnership between counter-narcotics police in the Federation. According to Community Development Programme for Africa, this partnership has resulted in an increase in the value of each country’s narcotics control efforts. For example, in 2008, Tanzanian courts convicted 467 individuals for narcotic offenses involving hard drugs.
Lastly, the EAC member states have joined regional bodies such as the East and Southern Africa Anti-Monetary Laundering Group (ESAAMLG). By joining the ESAAMLG, the EAC member states, laws and regulatory frameworks have been harmonized, thus, erasing any loopholes that would aid criminals.
The issue of refugee generation is critical in the region. The EAC has devised strategies for tackling the problem at the source. That is to say, they are addressing the underlying causes behind the refugee’s situation. The organization has singled out poor governance, corruption, discrimination, political systems that institutionalize opacity and exclusion, and various forms of bigotry as issues to address. Hence, the organization is doing what it can through legislation to tackle the situation.
Political
For the EAC to stay valid and strong and advance political transparency, member states have a vital role to play. One of the key factors in creating a system for a regular dialogue on potential fundamental conflict threats. This will demystify entrenched stereotypes in society such as the politics of superiority and ethnicity. Solving the politics of ethnicity will allow the politics of member states to be democratic and national.
Besides, the organization needs to have strong legal and institutional structures which can handle or deal with conflicts both at the national and regional level with emphasis on conflict prevention. It is noteworthy that the organization has realized this and established the panel of Peace Envoys to spearhead resolutions of conflicts in the regions (East African Community). Besides, the organization has fixed the East Africa Court of Justice which allows regional disputes to be solved at a central point.
Furthermore, the EAC has established observatory mechanisms and institutions regionally that assess the efficiency of governance and sovereign systems. The observatory body provides checks and balances among institutions of governance with the aim of continuously strengthening them based on common regional benchmarks. These observatory bodies include the media, civil society organizations and women’s rights organizations among others. They are consulted and involved in EAC conflict management and legitimate governance initiatives.
Social
Despite the rhetoric about women and development, the EAC needs to identify the critical role of women in the future of the region. Besides breaking down the existing political, social, cultural and economic barriers to effective mobilization and involvement of women in all aspects of the society, the organization needs to model relevant structures and institutions. This will reverse the current exploitative tendencies and relationships, which produce the status quo. Institutional reforms, progressive legislation, public education and policy reforms are needed to change the ensuing trend.
It is encouraging that the EAC has recognized this and is placing the gender issue at the center of their debates. They are creating a strong conceptual framework on which to understand issues governing the phenomenon of democratic governance. This will boost the women’s struggle against exploitation and savage political and socio-economic systems in the region.
Conclusion
The perspective of the political leadership, the unity and developing East Africa is vital to be granted to the region. This is because of the efforts being undertaken by the organization in achieving stability in the future. Amid the challenges being faced by the EAC, the organization has placed various instruments to enable it to remain viable. Thus, there exist benefits such as introducing the East African passport to ease movement within the region and eradication of border charges for private passenger vehicles to simplify border crossing formalities. Further, the Ugandan government has created the Ministry for regional cooperation which is responsible for liaison issues.
On the positive side, the federation has begun involving people of the region with an aim of fixing unity and enhancing good governance. This is illustrated in the borderless movement of citizens within the federation, trading activities and involving the community in decision making at a community level. Hence, by involving and harnessing the popular will of the people, the organization has managed to establish a vibrant, stable and closer interaction.
The security of the region is vital for the organization. Despite the consistent security threat prevalent in the region, the organization has established comprehensive strategies for mitigation. Measures such as legislation, partnering and tackling the challenge brought about by refugees and joining East and Southern Africa Anti-Monetary Laundering Group have been instrumental in handling security issues.
The decisive strategies undertaken by the EAC are clear indications of the stability of the organization. Despite other challenges yet to be mitigated, there is no doubt the organization is heading for a vibrant and stable future.
Works Cited
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Bakari, Mwapachu. “The Spirit of East Africa.” Human Rights and Democracy in East Africa. Ed. Kivutha Kibwana. Nairobi: Claripress, 1997. 9. Print.
Community Development Programme for Africa. Towards an East African Community Development Initiative. Nairobi: UN-HABITAT, 1998. Print.
“EAC Mid-Term Review for EAC Development Strategy.” Ministry of East African Community, 2009. Web.
EAC Secretariat. “EAC Development Strategy 2006-2010.” Centre for Human Rights, 2006. Web.
East African Business Council. Monitoring Mechanism for Elimination of Non-Tariff Barriers in EAC. 2005. PDF file.
East African Community. “The Second EAC Development Strategy 2001-2005.” Centre for Human Rights, 2000. Web.
Mugomba, Agrippah T. “Regional Organizations and African Underdevelopment: The Collapse of the East African Community.” The Journal of Modern African Studies 16.2 (1978): 261-272. Print.
Nassali, Maria. “The East African Community and the Struggle for Constitutionalism: Challenges and Prospects.” Constitutional Development in East Africa for Year 2000 Ed. Issa G. Shivji. Dar es Salaam: E & D Limited, 2003. 115. Print.
Ogutu, Chris Ackello. “Prospects for Trade in Agricultural Products within the East African Co-Operation Region.” Perspectives on Regional Integration and Cooperation in East Africa. Arusha, 1999. 45-85. Print
Senghor, Jeggan. “Theoretical Foundations for Regional Integration in Africa: An Overview.” Regional Integration Ed. Anyang Anyong. Nairobi: Academy Sciences Publishers, 1990. 21-26. Print.
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