Government of Iran under the Theory of Social Contract

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Introduction

Several scholars have advanced several theories to explain the relationships between the government and the governed class. One of such theories is the social contract theory. The theory has its roots anchored in the age of enlightenment. This age typically answers the question of where the society came from coupled with the legitimacy possessed by state’s authority over individuals living within the state (Goldie & Wokler, 2006, p. 347).

The theory proclaims that people consent explicitly and or tacitly to accord some of the freedoms they possess to magistrates or rulers’ authority for protection of legal and natural rights. This argument links the concept of legal and natural rights with the theory of the social contract. This paper discusses a case study of Iran based on the theory of the social contract.

It provides a justification of the government of Iran based on aspects such as nation-community building, security, protecting rights, providing justice, economic growth, and protecting the week. The main question introspected is whether the government of Iran is providing all of these aspects or not to its people.

Nation-community Building

Social contract theory prescribes contractual relationships that bind the governed and the government. Under such contractual agreements, one of the calls of the rulers is for the governed to be loyal in exchange with the attempt of the rulers to facilitate efforts for nation building. The concept of nation building refers to the processes for construction coupled with structuring the identity of a nation through the deployment of states’ power.

Such processes are predominantly aimed at making sure that a nation is united on political and economic lines with the chief aim of having a politically stable nation in the end. Iran faces a substantial criticism from the international community for violation of human rights of the citizens whom it has managed to capture and tame in terms of obedience to authoritative leadership (Ervan, 2008, p.180).

To ensure that these criticisms do not land in the hands of the citizens and or erode their obedience to the state, instead of participating in an interactive and result-oriented mechanisms of nation building, arguably Iran has created a mindset among its citizens that it is being targeted by the west (MacFarquha, 2005,p.12). However, continued economic growth remains a significant challenge for Iran with trade suctions being imposed on it to stop its nuclear weapon exploration attempts.

Security

Following the toppling of Shah Reza, the longstanding economic sanctions that have been imposed on Iran, and the predominantly conservative Sharia law, it is evident that arresting internal security situation in Iran demands complex requirements. The interest of both the US and Israel on the Iran nuclear program has amplified security threat that Iran people face (Pasri, 2007, p.132).

While attempting to re-establish Iran’s control over the gulf region, Iran encounters a challenge emanating from not only the west but also from the local powerful and influential potentates (Brumberg, 2001, p.153). Under the social contract agreement, a nation has to assure citizens that it would ensure that their security would not be prejudiced by the influence of foreign interests.

Unfortunately, Iran has not managed to deliver this mandate in the extent that it has not curtailed the threats posed to its citizens by both the US and Israel. Arguably, the surest way to achieve this job is to give up on its nuclear weapons exploration program. Unfortunately, Iran seems not prepared to do exactly that, as the authoritative leadership of Iran believes that the surest way to enhance a long-term security of its people is by rising to the status of being a super power.

Arresting the security of Iran is a call for protection of territorial integrity on the nation (Moore, 2004, p.373). This role is dedicated to Iran’s armed forces. Following the end of an Iraqi-Iran war that lasted for 8 years, the military capability of Iran was adversely impacted. Consequently, as Iran continued to rebuild its military infrastructures, several security tensions have continued to influence some regions of the Iran.

One of such tension is hostilities in its neighbors since Iraq poses ethnic tensions with the east and north of Iran. Arguably, security systems of Iran have not managed to proactively curtail all potential threat in its borders. This argument is evidenced by constant efforts of Iran to use its security machineries including the military to enhance internal security and to prevent nationalistic uprisings from rising among ethnic and religious minorities of Iran (Moore, 2004, p.373).

There have also been repeated military measures to ensure that the accessibility of the US to Iran is limited to the gulf region. Such measures include the deployment of anti-ship missiles among them being the Chinese Silkworm system in Strait of Hormuz. These measures indicate that Iran remains doubtful of its guarantee for a secure nation to the citizens.

Protecting Rights

The theory of the social contract predisposes that citizens give up some of their rights to the rulers of nations at the expense of other human rights. These rights include ensuring equal rights to all, right of protection of intellectual properties, cultural affiliations, and sexual orientation among others. In case of women rights, as a fundamental human right, Iran claims to have institutionalized a mechanism through the constitution that ensures women rights are treated equally with those of men.

Nevertheless, the constitution subjugates women to the provisions of Sharia law (Afary & Anderson, 2005, p.56), which emphasize the roles of women as the mother and house wives. The overall impacts of this erosion of the rights of women on participating in the Iranian national matters revive the tradition that perceives women as second-class citizens.

The right of women over the control of their bodies is also immensely threatened by the imposition of government’s enforcement of mandatory wearing of hijab, honor killing, inadequate addressing of issues related to women targeted sexual violence by men, home-based violence perpetrated by men, and other crimes that are gender based(Afary & Anderson, 2005, p.56).

Despite the fact that the constitution of Iran does not contain provisions that burr women from holding top positions in leadership, the authoritative regime in Iran places various impediments that prevent the progression of women in top leadership such as placing an emphasis on the traditional views of gender-based roles of women.

From a different dimension, although gay sexual relationships are not openly banned by the state, there is no legal framework for protection of gay rights in Iran (Abou-Alsamh, 2012, Para.9). The support of Sharia by the Iran government also further propagates the erosion of the rights of gays since it is not allowed under the practices of Sharia law.

Providing Justice

Iran’s judicial system establishes a system of divorce that is unequal in the sense that it privileges the male gender. Women in Iran face incredible challenges while seeking a divorce in a court of law. They are required to provide adequate evidence to the jury that they would suffer immediate danger, and or they are subjected to a foreseeable domestic violence that is frequent in nature (Afary & Anderson, 2005, p.87).

Nevertheless, if a woman manages to provide these proofs, custody of boys and girls who are more than seven years old is automatically granted to men. This provision makes women unequal parents in marriages from the eyes of the Iranian judicial system. Additionally, the judicial systems operate in favor of the prevailing authoritarian system of administration.

Economic Growth

Economic growth flourishes when there is an equal allocation of national resources. As of 2008, Iran’s economy has been predominantly steered by gas and oil exportation (Ervan, 2008, 21). Since the revolution of 1979, the economy of Iran has grown by 100 percent (Esposito & Ramazani, 2001, p.45). Nevertheless, this growth is not anything to celebrate. Economic indicators show that Iran’s economic growth has been deteriorating.

For instance, since1970, the average inflation has increased two folds with unemployment growing five times (Altman, 2008, p.75). These and other indicators have made the economic growth of Iran grow slower by two-thirds (Altman, 2008, p.75). The aftermath is the decline of the Iranian’s income per capita by 30 percent as from 1979.

The Iranian government appreciates that it has failed in delivering a continued economic growth by admitting that, since 1979, above 15% of the population is living below the absolute poverty line (Esposito & Ramazani, 2001, p.64). Private estimates put it at 40 %.

Protecting the Weak

The weak may be interpreted to mean those who are not favored by law and or the people who are economically less endowed. As argued in the preceding sections, women are among the people who are coming from historical injustices in terms of violation of their fundamental human rights through state-endorsed Sharia law in Iran.

Although the formulators of the constitution of Iran claim that it advocates for equal rights for all Iranians, its declaration for equal rights for men and women is questionable. From the paradigms of protection of the weak with regard to differences in social economic status, high-scale corruption makes only the rich continue getting rich at the expense of the poor and unemployed people.

Ervan (2008) supports this argument by further asserting that the revenues used by president Ahmadinejad’s administration are less than the amount of money deposited to the central bank of Iran by more than $66 billion (p.128). This figure is equivalent to a tenth of revenue generated by Iran from the sales of oil.

Amid the efforts of the government to fight corruption, executive affairs vice president Ali Saeedlou raised the whittle in 2008 that some ‘mafia groups’ were attempting to divert people’s opinions to rise against the efforts of the government to ensure that economic corruption was brought to a halt. Indeed, this issue is not fully addressed.

Conclusion

A nation that is guided by concepts of the social contract theory invests heavily in a judicial system that delivers justice for all people irrespective of the demographic and social economic status divide. It also focuses on protection of the week, economic growth, and protecting fundamental human rights while not negating focusing on making sure that all people are secure both internally and externally. From these paradigms, the paper argued that, although the new administration of Islamic republic of Iran endeavors to guarantee these aspects, they remain not fully achieved.

Reference List

Abou-Alsamh, R. (2012). . Web.

Afary, J., & Anderson, B. (2005). Foucault and the Iranian Revolution: Gender and the Seductions of Islamism. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Altman, E. (2008). Iran and the Arabs: The Shiitization Controversy between Al-Qardawi and Iran. Iran-Pulse, 45(25), 72-87.

Brumberg, D. (2001). Reinventing Khomeini: The Struggle for Reform in Iran. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Ervan, A. (2008). History of Modern Iran. Columbia: Columbia University Press.

Esposito, J., & Ramazani, R. (2001). Iran’s Economy: 20 years after the Islamic Revolution. New York: Palgrave.

Goldie, M., & Wokler, R. (2006). The Cambridge History of Political Thought.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

MacFarquha, N. (2005). Millions in Iran Rally Against the US. New York Times, 12 -13.

Moore, J. (2004). An Assessment of the Iranian Military Rearmament Program. Comparative Strategy, 13(2), 373-379.

Pasri, T. (2007). Treacherous Alliance: the secret dealings of Israel, Iran and the United States, Yale: Yale University Press.

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