Influx of Syrian Refugees in North Jordan

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Focus of study

Introduction

Since the beginning of the Syrian uprising in 2011, civilians in this country have paid a heavy toll on this crisis (Dinçer et al., 2013). According to the United Nations (UN) statistics, millions of people have been driven from their homes, and over 200000 have been killed in Syria (Doganay & Demiraslan, 2016; Phillips, 2015). Since then, the conflict in Syria between the government and other various forces continues to cause the displacement of millions of people either internally or externally (Carpenter, 2013). According to the UN estimation, the number of the Syrian people who were internally displaced is 7.6 million in 2014, and the number of those living outside the country exceeds 3.7 million (Memisoglu & Ilgit, 2017). The vast majority of those people are in dire need of help and support, and they have placed immense pressure on neighboring countries (i.e. Turkey, Iraq, Lebanon, Egypt, and Jordan) (Ostrand, 2015). By the end of 2017, Jordan, a country of approximately 8 million people, hosted around 671551 registered Syrian refugees (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), 2018). The majority of the refugees live below the Jordanian absolute poverty line, which is US$96 per month (Serrato, 2014). On the other hand, the United Nations argues that the people of Jordan are struggling with the unprecedented and protracted impact of Syrian refugees on their economy, societies, and infrastructure (Verme et al., 2015).

Jordan already suffers from weak infrastructure, lack of natural resources, and weak financial potential, and such displacement would create havoc and additional challenges for both the Jordanian government and its people (Connable, 2015; Helgens, 2016). In Jordan, a country with significant financial difficulties that pre-dated the Syrian crisis, the impact has been particularly devastating (Akgündüz, van den Berg, & Hassink, 2015). Government institutions in Jordan are unable to cope with the added volume of demands for public services (Ministry of Planning and International Cooperation, 2015). Jordanian national schools, hospitals, and other infrastructure services are overstretched, and as a result, locals are not getting the services they need (Haider & Olimy, 2018). In some areas, the demand for water, electricity, and waste collection far surpasses the capacity of the government to meet the needs of people (Lakshman et al., 2018). The lack of affordable housing poses another serious concern for both government and people in Jordan (Tan, 2015). Therefore, the relationship between Syrian refugees and Jordanian people is now complicated and aggravated.

A number of local and international non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Jordan work to address the issue of Syrian refugees (Ay, González, & Delgado, 2016). In conjunction with the Jordanian government, the NGOs provide a broad spectrum of social services, including health, education, housing, employment, and welfare services (Chatty, 2017). They focus on helping and supporting low-income families to meet their basic needs (Ay et al., 2016). Although NGOs have been active in dealing with the Syrian refugees’ crisis in Jordan, their work and services have been a controversial issue (Kraft & Smith, 2018). All the conditions mentioned above have created tension between the Syrian refugees and their host communities. Such tension could escalate into armed conflict between the two groups if it is not addressed early (Immenkamp, 2017). This research study attempts to address that issue by first identifying factors that create the tension and second by providing means for removing or mitigating the tension.

Study Motivation and Justification

Over half a million Syrian refugees resettled in Jordan according to the UNHCR. The government of this country has been providing health care, educational services, accommodation, and many other services, but in such a poor country, the cost of providing these services is problematic (Dalal, 2015). The demand for public services has become tense, unstable, and sometimes chaotic (Anani, 2018). This issue creates a new situation, in which service demand is so high that it either results in low quality of services or long waiting times (Assaad, Ginn, & Saleh, 2018). An increasing number of people (locals and refugees) have been complaining about the lack of services and expressing their frustration and problems related to the competition over the services (İçduygu, 2015). In his study, Ostrand (2015) reported that the refugee issue in Jordan has shattered the country’s health and educational systems and infrastructure, leaving many locals in Jordan with little or no access to those basic services. According to Chica and Acosta (2018), the vast majority of the Jordanian people resent having their basic services cut off by Syrian refugees. This could lead to tension, which in turn can inflame the conflict between the two parties.

This study is also engendered by the personal motivations of the researcher who is a local Jordanian striving for the sustainable development of the community and the entire nation. The tension between refugees and local people is growing, which often results in conflicts of diverse intensity. In order to avoid major social upheavals and damage to the community or even people’s injuries and deaths, it is essential to implement effective policies that will mitigate the tension between the two groups. I am personally interested in the implementation of such projects as my and my close ones’ well-being depends on this.

Statement of the Problem

Since the outbreak of war in Syria, the Syrian refugees are scattered all over the world. A significant number of those refugees ended up in Jordan residing in either urban areas or camps (Wall, Campbell, & Janbek, 2017). Although the Jordanian government and NGOs provide constant basic humanitarian support such as food, health, education, and employment to the refugees, the support is not sufficient (Hoffmann, 2017). As Syrian refugees in Jordan have access to all public services and their children can go to school for free, a great deal of pressure has been placed on public services in Jordan (Alshoubaki, 2018). This, in turn, creates tension between refugees and their host communities (Tobin, 2018). Though many studies of Syrian refugees in Jordan have been carried out, there is no research so far on how to mitigate the tension (Al-Hawamdeh & El-Ghali, 2017; Cookson et al., 2015; El-Khatib, Scales, Vearey, & Forsberg, 2013). It is important and significant to study this topic as it has an impact on the lives of both refugees and Jordanian citizens. To mitigate the tension between the Syrian refugees and the surrounding communities in Jordan, the primary aim of this proposed research study is to investigate tension factors. There are many studies that found support for this argument (Shepard et al., 2017; Yasin, 2018; Yazgan, Utku, & Sirkeci, 2015).

Scope of the Study

Understanding factors that mitigate tension between Syrian refugees and the Jordanian host community frames the boundary of this research study. Based on the literature review, health and educational services, accommodation demand, and employment availability are deemed to cause tension between the two groups (see figure 1). According to Ryder et al. (2016), the tension between Syrian refugees and host communities in Jordan over access to public services is one of the largest issues facing the settlement and the conviviality currently. This issue could result in negative experiences among refugees and lead to conflict in Jordan (Fierros et al., 2016). The four stakeholders, refugees, locals, NGOs, and the Jordanian government are expected to provide a comprehensive sample for the scope of this study (Koerber & McMichael, 2008). Due to the financial and time constraints of the research, it is impossible to investigate the phenomena across the entire stakeholders (Zikmund, Babin, Carr, & Griffin, 2013).

Research Objectives

All people in this world have the right to be free of fear, violence, oppression, and discrimination (Lipman, 2018). In other words, a decent standard of living is a human right for all people, regardless of their race, ethnicity, religion, etc. (Kneebone, 2019; Mcloughlin, 2017). This can be applied to Syrian refugees who have been forced to move into Jordan. However, for many Syrian refugees in Jordan and in the neighboring countries, this right is at stake if the root causes of tension are not addressed. Notwithstanding the benefits of providing food and shelter for Syrian refugees in Jordan, social integration or conviviality depends more on groups’ cohesiveness (Kader, 2016). Thus, the overarching research objective of this study is to understand the factors that mitigate tension between the refugees and locals. This objective can be subdivided into two objectives as follows:

• To understand the factors that cause tension between Syrian refugees and their host communities In Jordan.
• To develop constructs that would mitigate the tension between the two groups.

Research Questions

A review of the recent literature reveals a limited interest in the tension between refugees and host communities in the world (Yazgan et al., 2015). While there is a growing number of studies that deal with refugees’ difficulties that they experience, little attention has been paid to how they live peacefully and integrate positively in their host countries, and no empirical research has been found on how to mitigate tension between refugees and local people in the host countries (Kumssa & Jones, 2014). The importance of mitigating the tension between the two groups is supported by many researchers (Berry, 2008; Walton, 2012; Yazgan et al., 2015). For instance, Yazgan et al. (2015) argue that mitigating tension between societies is an important aspect for social conviviality and for the common wheel. However, this topic is still neglected in the literature on refugees and migration (Brick et al., 2018). According to Yazgan et al. (2015) and Cochran (2018), mitigating tension between refugees and their host communities is an important area of research and it needs further investigation. Therefore, the main research question is as the following:

“What is causing the tension between Syrian Refugees and the host community in Jordan?”

Drawing on the main research question, the study has formulated the following two sub-questions:

• RQ1. What are the major factors associated with education, health, employment, and accommodation, enhancing the tension between Syrian refugees and the host community in Irbid, Al-Ramtha, and Al-Mafraq in Jordan?
• RQ2. What measures undertaken by the Jordanian government can mitigate the tension in the sphere of education, healthcare, accommodation, and employment between Syrian refugees and the host community in Irbid, Al-Ramtha, and Al-Mafraq in Jordan?
• RQ3. What practices can non-governmental organizations utilize to mitigate the tension in the sphere of education, healthcare, accommodation, and employment between Syrian refugees and the host community in Irbid, Al-Ramtha, and Al-Mafraq in Jordan?

Literature Review

To provide a theoretical foundation for this study, the review of the literature is organized into three main sections. First, a general background about migration and refugees will be discussed. Second, the focus will be given to Syrian refugees in Jordan. Next, the role of NGOs assistance for the refugees in Jordan will be presented.

Migration and Refugees

Migration is one of the key forces of social transformation (Joly, 2017). There are two main types of migration: voluntary and involuntary. While the first type of migration refers to the movement of people from one country to another for the purposes of improving their lives (earning a livelihood), the second one indicates the forced movement of people as a result of political, environmental, and socio-economic reasons and events such as famines, droughts and epidemic, conflicts, civil wars, ethnic conflicts, religious turmoil, and human rights abuses (Kirisci, 1991; Lischer, 2007; Singthainiyom, 2016). In other words, the lack of welfare and security are the major driving motives behind involuntary migration (Soltau & Brockington, 2007; Wise & Veltmeyer, 2016). The term “Refugee” has been used in the literature to describe people who are forced and involuntarily have migrated (Matthew, 2012). According to migration studies, the existence of refugees is often associated with negative implications on host countries and the emergence of tension and conflicts with local people over many issues (Mwaruvie & Kirui, 2012). However, causes of tension and conflict are different from country to country due to the refugees’ situation and patterns of migration (Kumssa, Williams, Jones, & Marais, 2014).

The UNHCR estimates that the number of refugees who have involuntarily migrated to other countries since the Second World War exceeds 50 million (Curran & Stellern, 2018). Most of the refugee movements end up in the United State of America (USA), Canada, European countries, and Australia (Patil, Maripuu, Hadley, & Sellen, 2015). It is arguable that refugees living in those countries have access to a wide range of public services and benefits (Dwyer, Scullion, Jones, & Stewart, 2019; Fox, 2016; Morrice, 2007). For instance, Walker, Koh, Wollersheim, and Liamputtong (2015) claim that refugees have access to education, employment, housing, health services, and many other resources that help them meet their daily needs. However, there is often growing tension between the refugees and citizens of the host community, which sometimes results in conflict or violence (Evans, Parsons, Samadi, Seah, & Wallace, 2017). Reasons for such tension in those countries are racism-related stress, vicarious racism, and discrimination of religion (Butler, 2016). Ludwig (2017), highlighted Liberian refugees in the USA as an example for those who have experienced racism-related stress. This is consistent with the results of Gilhooly and Lee (2017) who examined Karen refugees in the USA, and his study suggested rural resettlement as an effective solution for the USA government and refugees themselves.

On the other hand, forced displacement in third world countries, especially in the Middle East, where a large number of refugees emanate, has become a global problem of unprecedented scale (Moore, Berry, & Garcia-Blanco, 2018). In many cases, those refugees do not have the wherewithal to move outside the region, so their displacement remains internal or moves to neighboring countries (Jacobsen, 2002; Sitaropoulos, 2000). According to László (2016), the existence of refugees in neighboring countries is seen as problematic that it could affect stabilization and pose serious risks to the social cohesion of the host countries in many ways. In this regard, Ratha, Mohapatra, and Scheja (2011) pointed out that refugees might create socio-economic problems due to competition with the host community over scarce resources and services. Moreover, Salehyan (2008), argued that refugees could also be unwelcome guests and could threaten the host countries’ culture. Gyeke and Adu (2017), provided an example of the tension between Liberian refugees and Ghana’s communities due to disputes over resources, high rate of unemployment, increased level of criminal activities, and disruption in social networks. Also, Atim (2013) reported that tension had emerged between Nakivale refugees and locals in southern Uganda over unequal distribution of power supplies between them. Another study found that the host community in North-eastern Kenya attributed the tension between refugees and locals to the loss of livelihood resources such as fuel-wood collection in their area (Kumssa et al., 2014).

Most recently, the Syrian civil war has caused an immense amount of forced migration and cast a shadow over all worldwide, notably neighboring countries such as Iraq, Egypt, Lebanon, Turkey, and Jordan. Lebanon, for instance, where there is a high ratio of refugees, the flows of Syrian refugees put high pressure on the economy (Knudsen, 2017; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), International Labour Organization (ILO), & World Food Programme (WFP), 2017). Some research claims that the fragile economy of this country struggles to cope with the high demands of services from refugees and locals (Charles & Denman, 2013; Talhouk et al., 2016). As a result, growing signs of social tension between the two sides have manifested (Dionigi, 2016). The signs of tension include many cases of harassment and violence between them (Thibos, 2014; Yacoubian, 2014). Knudsen (2017), emphasizes that the general distress between the two groups has dramatically increased the crime rate and it could trigger more conflict. Likewise, Khalil and Milad (2015) highlight some elements of tension caused by competition over resources such as shelter, education and health, jobs, water, and municipal services. They also point out the importance of issues such as mutual misconceptions related to fear of security and safety, especially among Muslim refugees living in Christian areas. Madoré’s (2016), Boustani, Carpi, Gebara, and Mourad’s (2016) studies are consistent with other previous studies in which security reasons and the competition over services sectors are deemed to be the main source of tension between the two communities.

The tension between Syrian refugees and locals in Turkey was found to be caused by cultural differences, discrimination treatment, and competition over services (Baban, Ilcan, & Rygiel, 2017; Özden, 2013). In a study conducted by Altiok and Tosun (2018), he points out that the ambiguous state policies, perceived cultural threats, and economic competition with disfavor the presence of Syrian refugees as the main drivers of tension in Turkey. In another study, Çetin (2016) argues that the Syrians’ cheap labor in Turkey has forced the locals to accept lower standards of work, this, in turn, has created tension between locals and the refugees. This has also been reported by other scholars in this domain (Dinçer et al., 2013; Ekmekci, 2017; Kazour et al., 2017).

Based on the literature, the causes of tension between refugees and their host communities can be categorized depending on where the refugees are located (Khalil & Milad, 2015). The developed countries could easily embrace the influx of refugees whereas low-income countries could find difficulties with the issue (Hafeznia, Ghorbaninejad, Ahmadipour, & Ghavam, 2014). The influx of refugees into poor countries has a devastating impact on many aspects of those countries (Talhouk et al., 2016). This might explain why most countries with a sturdy economy can overcome the issues of tension between refugees and locals (Chan, Huxley, Chiu, Evans, & Ma, 2016; Serrao & Cavendish, 2018)

Syrian Refugees in Jordan

There are over half a million registered refugees in Jordan. The majority of them (83%) reside in urban areas in the north of the country, while the rest (17%) live in Za’atari, Marjeeb al-Fahood, Cyber City, and Al-Azraq camps (UNHCR, 2018). Serrato (2014) points out the refugees’ existence in Jordan is problematic and causes pressure on the locals. Refugees need shelter, food, water, health care, education services, land, and many other social services. (Farishta, 2014; Klingseis, 2016). The national supplies of water and electricity for instance are not enough to cope with the current population demands of locals and refugees (MercyCorps, 2014). Likewise, the education system faces many challenges that affect the adequacy, efficiency, and quality of education (Assaad et al., 2018). According to Krafft, Sieverding, Salemi, and Keo (2018), although the government has done many procedures to cope with the Syrian crisis, the education and health sectors in addition to other infrastructure services are not able to accommodate the number of Syrian refugees and Jordanian citizens too. The services sector is now overstretched, and the demand for the services surpasses the capacity of the government to meet the needs of people, especially with a lack of funding to support this sector (REACH, 2014a).

Since 2011, when the Syrian crisis first erupted, several active researchers have provided contributions to the earlier research of refugees. However, the review of the literature reveals a limited interest in Syrian refugees in Jordan. Health care issues, educational service issues, employment issues, and accommodation issues will be discussed respectively in the following sections.

Health care issues

For several years, the Jordanian health system had a great reputation for services based on local and international standards (Al Rubaiee, 2016). According to Oxford Business Group (2016), the massive influx of Syrian refugees has dramatically weakened the standard of these services. In this aspect, many locals claim that providing primary care services has been affected by the government plan for embracing the refugees (Aide Médicale International, 2014). Al Adem, Childerhouse, Egbelakin, and Wang (2018), found that some locals feel that the refugees receive additional preferential treatment from both the government and NGOs. The pressure on the already overstretched capacity of health services has made some people in Jordan complain about the inadequacy of professional health services (Harris, 2018). Al-Fahoum et al. (2015) highlighted a shortage of hospital beds, competent medical staff, and medicines. Access to health facilities has become more difficult for the refugees and locals alike as hospitals are overcrowded resulting in delays for essential services (Harris, 2018). Therefore, there is a drop in the quality of public health services after the Syrian refugees’ existence.

Jordanian authorities and local communities are also concerned about some diseases that have already been eradicated such as hepatitis, measles, cholera, tuberculosis, and polio. (Hiasat & Kurdi, 2015). According to Cookson et al. (2015), there have been cases of infectious diseases among Syrian refugees since the beginning of the Syrian displacement, the incidence rate of tuberculosis was very high. These diseases have been brought to the locals by the refugees (Nimer, 2018). Syrians’ refugees claim that the diseases have emerged as a result of not giving them proper health treatment, limited access to basic health services, and poor living conditions (A-lshadfan, 2015; Al-Rousan, Schwabkey, Jirmanus, & Nelson, 2018; Samari, 2017).

The decline in the quality of health services in the public sector has driven the Jordanian community to seek treatment at private hospitals (Francis, 2015). It is known that the cost of private health care is higher when compared with government health care (Shepard et al., 2017). This means that more financial burdens would be added on the locals. For some Jordanians, the refugees’ displacement makes healthcare services less accessible and more expensive (Farishta, 2014). This has created an increase in resentment among the Jordanian community (Ministry of Planning and International Cooperation and United Nations, 2013). These pressure aspects on the healthcare system and the emerging health issues have raised the tension between the Jordanian and Syrian refugee communities.

Educational service issues

In addition to the health services issues, the situation of refugees in Jordan has increased the demand for educational services. With the increasing number of refugees, many educational problems have emerged due to several reasons such as bullying, congestion in classrooms, and a low level of educational services (Al-Qdah & Lacroix, 2017; Berti, 2015; Culbertson & Constant, 2015). Congestion in classrooms is considered to be a significant factor that creates tension among locals and refugee students (Jalbout, 2015). According to Queen Rania Foundation (2017), there are approximately 215000 school-age refugees children in Jordan. Although only 130668 are currently enrolled in government schools, the number is far away from the schools’ capacity to provide a decent standard of educational services (Al-Hawamdeh & El-Ghali, 2017; Solis, 2016). The latest figures show that classes, which have been designed for 20 students, have more than 55 students in each.

Alongside students’ congestion, bullying in public schools is a serious problem affecting the wider community in Jordan. Bullying, as a phenomenon, refers to a specific form of aggressive behavior among students in schools (Furlong, Soliz, Simental, & Greif, 2004). The aggressive behavior can be physical such as hitting, pushing, and kicking, or verbal abuse such as threatening and teasing (Crick & Grotpeter, 1995; Roland, 2002). According to Culbertson et al. (2016) and Hamer, Abudoha, Omer, and Gubser (2017), bullying in schools has increased after the influx of Syrian refugees causing tension at the local level between the two communities. World Bank (2017) reported that almost 70% of Syrian refugee students in Jordan are bullied or verbally abused. As a result, many Syrian refugee families have forced their children, especially the girls to drop out of education (Khattab, 2017; Tarala, 2017). At the same time, the apprehension of bullying has led some Jordanian families to call for the division between their children and other refugees’ counterparts (Esveld, 2016). It is obvious that both communities have concerns about the safety of their own children and see schools as a hostile educational environment (Geannopulos, 2018).

To address the issues of congestion and bullying at schools, the Jordanian government and NGOs have adopted two main initiatives: a double-shift school and hiring a supplementary teaching staff (REACH and UNICEF, 2014). The educational authorities in Jordan decided to allocate afternoon-shift for Syrians’ children only. However, both communities are not satisfied with these initiatives. They claim that the arising problems of these initiatives have outweighed the benefit (Assaad et al., 2018; MercyCorps, 2012). It is true that the double-shift school could reduce the direct friction among students, and this, in turn, could solve part of congestion and bullying problems, but as Bervell, Sam, and Boadu (2013) argue that double shift school system would affect the quality of education, students’ performance and create social problems. Al‐Daami and Wallace (2007), emphasize that such changes in the educational system in Jordan could harm social cohesion.

In relation to hiring additional teaching staff, the Jordanian government and the key International actors highlight the lack of teachers’ availability, which is considered another major problem confronting the education sector (Ministry of Planning and International Cooperation, 2015). Significant numbers of this new teaching staff have no sufficient experience and are not well trained to deal with such situations (Ahmadzadeh, Çorabatır, Al Husseini, Hashem, & Wahby, 2014; International Alert, 2015). According to Sirin and Rogers-Sirin (2015), the Syrian refugees complained about the mistreatment of their children in school due to inexperienced teachers especially in addressing the needs of traumatized children. The Syrian refugee families see the teachers as a frustrating member of the educational process, for instance, some teachers use inappropriate descriptions to call the Syrian refugee children (Seeley, 2015). Geannopulos (2018), points out that both Jordanian students and teachers’ hostility is the main reason behind preventing Syrian refugee children to persist in school. As a result of the mentioned education issues, some Jordanian families have started to employ new strategies to keep their children away from schools and classes where refugee children reside such as moving their children into private schools to protect them from the araising problems of education, even so, Jordanian families struggle to afford schooling expenses which have become another additional financial burden (Betts & Collier, 2015; Esveld, 2016). Thus, this approach has left students of both sides at a considerable disadvantage and may contribute to tension between the two communities (Abu Hamad et al., 2017).

Employment issues

Competition over employment between Syrian refugees and Jordan people has increasingly become intense and to some extent problematic (Razzaz, 2017). Over the last decades, Jordan has been a destination for workers of neighboring countries (Wahba, 2014). The current Syrian crisis has brought a large number of skilled Syrian refugees to Jordan (organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), 2015). Those people are treated as foreign workers and they are subject to local labor laws in Jordan. According to the Ministry of Labour in Jordan, Syrian refugees are not legally allowed to work unless they are permitted (Howden, Patchett, & Alfred, 2017). In 2016, both the Jordanian government and the European Union (EU) signed an agreement (The Jordan Compact) that enables Syrian refugees to access the labor market without legal permission (Ministry of Planning and International Cooperation, 2015). Financial support grants and loans have been pledged by the EU as immediate support to Jordan for such an act (Barbelet, Zanker, & Ille, 2018). While this step brings welcome relief for Syrian refugees, most Jordanian people are against it (Lenner & Turner, 2018). In the perspective of Stave and Hillesund (2015), the labor market is saturated to the point that the unemployment rate in Jordan might radically go up because of intensive competition with Syrian refugees over jobs. What is more, jobs opportunity, wage levels, working conditions can be negatively affected too (David, Marouani, Nahas, Nilsson, & David, 2018). It is clear that there are a lot of public concerns over employment and work issues in Jordan after the Syrian crisis.

Recent research shows that many of the Jordanian people have lost their jobs in construction, trade, manufacturing, and agriculture due to the competition with the Syrian’s cheap labor (Bseiso, 2015). Berti (2015), reported that many Syrian refugees have established their own informal businesses that sell below-market prices, and thus have posed a threat to an equivalent business for Jordanian workers. Some local guilds are asking the authorities to prevent the Syrian workers from integrating into the local community and keeping their business within the markets allocated in camps (Lenner & Turner, 2018). These employment aspects are causing tension between the Syrian refugees and Jordanian host communities.

Accommodation

The Syrian displacement has affected negatively the Jordanian housing market. The number of houses has declined, and the rental prices have risen in an unaffordable way, especially in the north Jordan cities such as Irbid, Mafraq, and Ramtha where the number of Syrian refugees has exceeded the Jordanian population (Philips, 2016). The rental prices have increased to six times compared to the renting prices before the crisis (Ministry of Planning and International Cooperation and United Nations, 2013).

The struggle to secure satisfactory and affordable shelter for both communities has fuelled a tension that could contribute to deteriorating social cohesion (REACH, 2014b). The tension over accommodation between the two communities has escalated to some serious social issues such as “forced evictions” and “social frustrations” (CARE, 2017). The vulnerable people of both communities have been under threat of expulsion due to their financial difficulties in paying rent (REACH, 2014b). This has driven many people to live in shared accommodation where they have little or no privacy (Lakshman et al., 2018). The high rent impedes the ability of Jordanian young people to marry because they are unable to afford new housing, creating so-called social frustrations.

To conclude, the Syrian civil war has placed great repercussions on the capacity of the Jordanian government and its community too, especially in light of the limited international contribution which provides service to Syrian refugees (Human Rights Watch, 2017; Shteiwi, Walsh, & Klassen, 2014). According to Al-Arqan (2017) and Younes ( 2018), the weak of international contributions has left Jordan in a very critical situation and has raised the overall deficit of the state budget. To remedy the issue, the government decided to remove the subsidies for basic goods and services (Kumaraswamy & Singh, 2017). In addition to that, new taxes have been added to electricity, water, and some other basic goods (Anani, 2018; Idris, 2016). Therefore, people started to protest and many violent incidents occurred in the country (Doucet, 2016; Healy & Tiller, 2013). In the perspective of the host community, the Syrian refugees are seen as the main cause of almost all social and economic issues in Jordan (Lenner & Al-Khatib, 2015).

Non-government organizations (NGOs) role

The importance of NGOs has grown exceedingly over recent decades due to their significant role in providing humanitarian aid for people who are in need, especially in conflict-affected areas (Mathews, 1997; Olsen, Carstensen, & Høyen, 2003). According to Atkinson and Scurrah (2009) and Chandler (2001), the term NGOs refers to all organizations that are formally constituted, non-profit, self-governed, and private. The NGOs are part of civil society organizations (CSOs), but not vice versa. Examples of NGOs include but are not limited to, the Red Cross, Amnesty International, Oxfam, Save the Children, Religious, Peace, Environmental, and other Human Rights Groups. In Jordan, the NGOs work together with the government to help and provide a wide range of critical goods and services to the Syrian refugees such as health, education, shelter, employment, food (Ledwith, 2014; Zureiqat & Abu Shama, 2015). However, many researchers found that NGOs’ support might be problematic and could inflame tension between refugees and their host communities because they specifically address refugees and not local people (Ikanda, 2008; Members of the Development Assistance Committee, 2001). Agency for Technical Cooperation and Development (2013), reports the NGOs’ aid in Jordan is directed entirely toward Syrian refugees, while the Jordanian people are excluded.

The role of NGOs in helping and supporting Syrian refugees in Jordan has indirectly affected tension between all stakeholders (MercyCorps, 2012). As a result, many cases of an armed attack against some NGOs have occurred as a protest to stop delivering services to Syrian refugees (Klingseis, 2016). For instance, some Jordanian young attacked the warehouse of the Islamic Society organization in 2010 due to the exclusive focus on providing services to Syrian refugees. Another example was a governmental infrastructure project for water supply, which had been targeted by some locals due to the same reasons. In this incident, some armed people interrupted and attacked workers who were laying new water pipelines, and attackers stipulated that the project should include their poor areas and villages where locals Jordanians live too in order to allow them to continue the project (Klingseis, 2016). Therefore, the NGOs and Jordanian government need to address the challenges and underlying seeds of conflict for preventing the destabilization of the country (Kraft & Smith, 2018).

Gap in the literature

Previous studies have explored many aspects essential for Syrian refugees in Jordan, focusing on the basic needs of refugees and their status in this country. The literature of refugees has begun to explore multiple aspects of refugees’ experiences in their host communities. For instance, some researchers addressed issues related to the integration policies of refugees in host communities. In this aspect, they found that some refugees have major difficulties in accessing public services (Betts & Collier, 2015; İçduygu, 2015). Another interesting area of research considers refugees as valuable resources for their host communities (Doocy, Lyles, Akhu-Zaheya, Burton, & Burnham, 2016). In this literature, scholars tend to examine the importance of refugees’ contribution to the countries they live in and to the economy at large. In most common scenarios, refugees live for a long time in host countries that either permits them to work or allow them to receive assistance (e.g. cash or vouchers) from several local and international organization (mainly NGOs). This makes refugees, as stated by Pascucci (2017), independent people and they significantly contribute to the economy of the host countries. Yet, some researchers argue that refugees create havoc and they negatively affect the economy. This creates tension that may be problematic, between the two groups (Tobin, 2018). Inevitably, there is a growing literature in learning more about refugees’ effects on host communities.

The literature has contributed to our understating of the status quo of refugees in their host communities, but despite extensive studies conducted by the United Nations research and scientific centers on various aspects of refugees in the world, few studies about Syrian refugees in Jordan have been carried out in relation to issues with their host communities (Al-Qdah & Lacroix, 2017; Sak, Kaymaz, Kadkoy, & Kenanoglu, 2018). Furthermore, there is a paucity of research that examines the issue of tension that occurs between refugees with their host communities. Nevertheless, none of the research has addressed the issue in the context of the Middle East refugee crisis. This study is expected to provide a comprehensive theoretical model of factors that could mitigate tension between Syrian refugees and the host communities. Accordingly, it is important to understand this aspect at a deeper level (Ott, 2011). Based on the identified argument, the main research question of the study has been set as: Exploring factors that mitigate tension between Syrian refugees and their host community in Jordan.

Theoretical Framework

For the purpose of this study, the definition of tension that will be used among people refers to all types of hostile relations between two people/groups or rival powers due to their quest for survival (Flint, 2006). The tension was defined in the literature as “a set of attitudes and tendencies such as distrust and suspicion which refugees and locals have towards each other’s” (Hafeznia et al., 2014, p. 3). The tension in this study would also refer to the situation of hatred between refugees and their host community in Jordan. The term tension is commonly used in the literature of social science and international relations (Hafeznia et al., 2014). Accordingly, tension refers to the state in which two people or groups have a hidden hostility, fear, suspicion, or even a desire for dominance or revenge. It is arguable that tension often precedes conflict and it is always involved in it (Ali & Ocha, 2018). In the literature, causes of tension among people are likely to be related to a dispute over health services issues, a dispute over educational service issues, a dispute over employment issues, and other social issues (Ali & Ocha, 2018). Most of the tension among Syrian refugees and their host communities is formed due to the combination of these factors. Scholars in the field have yet to confirm or refute these factors (Yazgan et al., 2015). In addition to that, there might be additional factors associated with this tension and they have not been considered. Figure 1 shows the preliminary conceptual research model.

Thus, the main objective of this research study is to refute or confirm the factors derived from the literature and to expand the understanding of factors that could mitigate the tension between Syrian refugees and their host communities in Jordan.

Governments of many states, as well as international institutions, strive to create effective frameworks that could ensure the effective collaboration of people of diverse backgrounds as countries is strongly affected by globalization. The recent migration issues many nations have to face also make people concerned about the relationships between different groups (Fonseca, Lukosch, & Brazier, 2018). International agencies often employ the social cohesion concept to analyze some trends and phenomena related to interactions between groups and communities. These institutions attempt to create strategies and comprehensive plans for making collaboration between dissimilar groups possible.

The guiding theoretical framework for this study will be the group cohesion theory. It is noteworthy that the concept of social cohesion is analyzed through different lenses, including psychological, sociological, and political (Mekoa & Busari, 2018). The comprehensive theory of social cohesion is still non-existent as theorists tend to focus on rather specific facets of the notion. Jenson (2019) employs the definition of social conditions accepted by international financial institutions. Social cohesion is regarded as a set of “converging norms across groups that provide a framework within which diverse groups can coexist peacefully” (Jenson, 2019, p. 2). The research concerning the notion dates as far back as the end of the 19^th century when scholars started describing and analyzing the peculiarities of groups’ behaviors (Fonseca et al., 2018). Theorists have focused on individuals’ beliefs and behaviors, as well as the influence of the beliefs prevailing within the group on people’s attitudes and behavioral patterns.

When analyzing nations and communities, scholars have employed such concepts as culture, values, identity, conflict, economy, family, education, and religion. For the purpose of this study, this perspective will be utilized to explore the peculiarities of the relationships between the target groups. Parsons’ view of social cohesion and the paradigm developed by Jenson and Beauvais will be utilized as the theoretical framework for this research. Parsons claims that social cohesion is achieved in a group that has shared values and norms that bring order, stability, and integrity (Fonseca et al., 2018). According to this functionalist approach, people united by shared values and ideas strive to collaborate and achieve certain goals. The wellbeing of the nation and its sustainable development is often regarded as the ideas uniting people. Parson also notes that social cohesion can be attained if a group of people adopts or accepts shared values at a certain period (Fonseca et al., 2018). This viewpoint can be relevant to address the research questions of this study, especially question 3 which is linked to the available opportunities to lessen the tension between Syrian refugees and Jordanian locals.

However, Parson fails to pay sufficient attention to the exact components of social cohesion in heterogeneous groups. The concepts discussed by Beauvais and Jenson can be helpful in understanding the collaboration between representatives of different cultural groups. The researchers stress that social cohesion is a dynamic process that is influenced by numerous external and internal factors (Jenson, 2019). The basic constituents of social cohesion are groups structures that are well-established, known levels of solidarity, shared values, as well as effective conflict management instruments.

The present case is consistent with this set of elements, so this theoretical framework can be applied to evaluate the level of the current and potential social cohesion between the two groups under analysis. The group structure is apparent as the stakeholders of the case under consideration can be seen as the elements of the new group comprising refugees, Syrian diaspora leaders, local people, NGO representatives, and officials. All these people have well-established roles and functions. The level of solidarity between the group is low and is the subject of this study. The values of the stakeholders are quite similar but have some peculiarities depending on the access to resources. However, the development of shared values and the introduction of effective conflict management strategies will be instrumental in achieving social cohesion among the target population.

The paradigm developed by Jenson and Beauvais also describes the basic dimensions of social cohesion, which equips this study with a specific framework to approach the issue under analysis. The researchers identify belonging, participation, inclusion, legitimacy, and recognition as five principal dimensions of social cohesion (Fonseca et al., 2018). When applying to the current context, it is important to pay specific attention to these dimensions and make sure that they are properly represented in the interventions used to improve the relationships between Syrian refugees and Jordanian locals.

Research Methodology

In scientific research, selecting the methodology is the most important to ask. There are many methodologies to choose from, but phenomenology, ethnography, case study, and grounded theory are the main methodological approaches used by researchers (Corbin, Strauss, & Strauss, 2014; Mason, 2017). Nonetheless, qualitative and quantitative methodologies have been used by researchers for either exploring people’s perceptions, building theories, or for a testing set of hypotheses (Zikmund et al., 2013). According to Fetters, Curry, and Creswell (2013) qualitative studies aim to comprehensively unearth any phenomenon of interest by summarizing experiences of individuals or groups in their natural settings. Refugee studies show that qualitative methods have been used for studying different aspects of refugees’ experiences and lives such as immigration status and rights, employment, education, health, and entitlements (Al-Arqan, 2017; Assaad et al., 2018). Therefore, a case study method can be useful for gaining a deeper understating of people’s experiences in order to draw theory regarding the status quo of Syrian refugees in Jordan.

The case study method is instrumental in addressing the research questions mentioned above due to certain components of this design. Ridder (2016) identifies some central components of the case study method that are all linked to the purpose of the present research. As described by Ridder (2016), real-life phenomena should be the case, which is true for this study. The relationships between two groups of people residing on a specific territory are the matter of the research. Boundaries are another important element of the case study method as the case should be confined to certain geographical and time boundaries. The focus is on the tension between two groups living in three Jordanian cities (Irbid, Al-Ramtha, and Al-Mafraq) that is apparent at the present moment (as of 2019).

In-depth analysis plays a central role in case of study implementation as the researcher concentrates on a complex phenomenon having certain dynamics. According to the concept of social cohesion, the relationships between people are dynamic as they undergo constant changes depending on a variety of internal and external factors (Mekoa & Busari, 2018). Therefore, the most appropriate approach to the exploration of such dynamic phenomena as the tension between groups is the case study method. The context is one of the major constituents of the case study methodology, so the focus is on social context and holistic comprehension. Such social aspects as education, health, accommodation, and employment are under analysis, hence, the social context is fully employed in this study. Triangulation is also an important peculiarity of the case study method as researchers utilize such instruments as interviews, observation, case description, and archives. The present research involves interviewing and in-depth descriptions of the case, which contributes to the study’s validity and reliability.

Case study methodology equips researchers with effective tools to describe, explore, and explain the issues under analysis. The purpose of this research is to examine the factors related to education, health, accommodation, and employment contributing to the increasing tension between two groups. Therefore, the exploratory case study will be helpful in addressing the established research questions. Exploratory case studies aim at examining factors affecting phenomena and trends (Ridder, 2016). This type is preferable as the primary goal of this study is to identify the reasons behind the existing trends and develop possible solutions to the current problems. The major factors that have an impact on the relationships between the populations have not been properly explored in the Middle Eastern context, so it is still unclear how exactly these factors interact and affect people’s behaviors (Al-Qdah & Lacroix, 2017; Sak et al., 2018). The most common tools used within the scope of the exploratory case study are interviews, observations, and surveys. The use of interviews and personal observation, as well as the overview of the case, will ensure the achievement of the established goal of this research. The use of these instruments will also enhance the validity and reliability of the findings.

Since the main aim of this study is to explore factors that might mitigate tension and maintain good relationships among Syrian refugees and host communities in Jordan, the case study method with interviews will be used for the purpose of this study. Corbin et al. (2014), defines this approach as a method in which qualitative data (i.e. Interviews, focus groups) can be used to identify factors or constructs in any given study.

Participants

The unit of analysis refers to what objects or things that researchers want to study or address. This could be staff members in an organization, households in a community, entities, animals, (Polkinghorne, 2005). For the purpose of this study, four primary stakeholders will be recruited through already existing contacts between the researcher and one NGO (Islamic relief in Jordan) through a mixture of purposeful and snowball sampling (Suri, 2011). The stakeholders will include samples of local community members, leaders of the Syrian diaspora in Jordan, heads of NGOs working in Jordan or their representatives and local government officers who are engaged with Syrian refugees in Jordan. The study justifies this selection on four grounds. First, local community members, who are aware of the issues and implications of refugees, can provide valuable data about what is and is not important for mitigating tension. Second, Syrian refugees could provide their experiences during their resettlement journey in Jordan. Third, NGOs in Jordan play an important role in meeting basic needs such as food, health, education, accommodation, and employment for Syrian refugees, and knowing what they go through while doing that is vital to understating how to mitigate tension. Forth, government workers can provide data about problems that they handle daily.

As mentioned earlier, a mixture of purposeful (judgment) and snowball sampling techniques will be used in this study. Zikmund et al. (2013, p. 393), define purposeful technique as “a nonprobability sampling technique when researchers select a sample that satisfies their specific purpose, even if it is not fully representative”. Furthermore, Collie, Zardo, McKenzie, and Ellis (2016) noted that if the study aims to develop or explore factors, purposeful sampling is the most common technique. On the other hand, the snowball sampling technique has been used for qualitative research when potential participants are hard to access or difficult to be identified and recruited (Koerber & McMichael, 2008). The proposed total sample will be 30 participants (8 for each Syrian and locals plus 7 for each NGO and Government officer in charge). Following the recommendations of Zikmund et al. (2013), this size is expected to be sufficient for some qualitative studies. However, the sample will be increased/decreased according to the saturation level as well as when more information about the main issue of the research is needed. The saturation level will be reached when no novel information is added (Suri, 2011). Potential participants will be recruited through personal invitation emails. Based on their willingness and availability, a suitable interview date will be chosen. All interviews will be recorded.

Data collection and analysis

Case study method with semi-structured face-to-face interviews will be conducted for the study. Four stakeholders will be invited to participate in the interview to achieve two purposes. First, to identify factors (not highlighted in the literature) that could cause tension between the refugees and host communities. This will help to refine and confirm the conceptual research model (Corbin et al., 2014). Second, to explore any mitigating factors which might help reduce the tension (Zikmund et al., 2013). The interview protocol will be designed based on previous studies and according to the main research question. According to Creswell and Poth (2017), the face-to-face interview approach allows respondents to describe and explain their situations and thoughts in real-time through communication and interaction with the researcher. The interviews are proposed to last approximately 20-30 minutes. An opening question followed by probing questions will help to explore common themes and obtain detailed information about the phenomena of interest (Taylor, 2005; Zikmund et al., 2013). The interview questions will be pre-tested with two academic specialists to make sure that the questions are clear and unambiguous.

Since the interviews’ duration will be rather limited, the participants will receive the background information set of questions along with the written consent form. They will complete brief questionnaires containing relevant demographic details prior to the interviews at any convenient time. Interview protocols include this set of questions so that the researcher could make sure that all the responses are available.

Table 1: Interview Protocol.

At the beginning of the interview, the participant will provide the signed written consent form and the background questions with answers. The participants will answer five open-ended questions concerning health, education, accommodation, and employment as linked to the relationships between Syrian refugees residing in North Jordan (Irbid, Al-Ramtha, and Al-Mafraq) and local people. When interviewing the participants, field notes will be made in order to elicit more meanings and attitudes. Some non-verbal codes and emotions will be noted, and this information can be used in the thematic analysis. All interviews will be audio-recorded and verbatim transcribed. Nvivo software will be used to assist with data analysis (Bazeley & Jackson, 2013; Welsh, 2002).

In order to enhance the validity of the findings, the thematic analysis will be implemented manually and compared with the themes identified by the digital tool mentioned above. Creswell and Poth (2017) note that the development of codes is one of the central steps to be undertaken in this process. In order to come up with effective codes, the transcripts will be read many times. After the identification of the codes, they can be analyzed to develop the most recurrent themes. The codes and themes identified by the researcher will be compared with the ones outlined by the software. If some inconsistencies emerge, the data will be considered one more time to make sure that all aspects have been properly investigated.

As far as the trustworthiness of the research is concerned, it is important to mention such concepts as credibility, transferability, confirmability, and dependability. The credibility of a qualitative study is associated with the accuracy of findings that can be attained with the help of triangulation (Ridder, 2016). As mentioned above, the analysis of the case is one of the ways to cross-check the received findings. The extensive literature review will be instrumental in analyzing the current issues and people’s attitudes. The use of digital means of analysis will also enhance the credibility of data. Finally, the use of field notes can help in validating the obtained findings as they will unveil some facets of people’s perceptions regarding the relationship between certain groups.

Transferability is another element to concentrate on when validating the data. Transferability is concerned with the findings’ applicability in diverse settings (Creswell & Poth, 2017). Thick description is one of the primary strategies to achieve the necessary level of transferability. The data collection and analysis process will be described in detail. The description of the findings will also be rather meticulous to ensure the complete coverage of all possible themes, codes, ideas, concepts, and attitudes. The participants’ accounts will also be compared in order to identify similarities and shared ideas that are consistent with the research results. The inclusion of participants’ exact words will enhance the validity of the data and conclusions made.

Confirmability can be the most difficult goal to achieve in the present research as the researcher is a member of the community under analysis and is exposed to the issues in question. Ridder (2016) states that qualitative researchers can avoid this kind of bias in their studies with the help of trail auditing. Every step of data analysis and every decision made will be highlighted and justified, which will enhance the reliability of the findings. It is also critical to account for personal bias that can have an impact on the research. Such stages of research as designing, sampling, and data analysis are specifically vulnerable to the influence of personal biases. Nevertheless, the provision of all details and reasons behind every decision will minimize the adverse effects of personal biases. Dependability is another instrument to enhance the trustworthiness of the research results. According to Ridder (2016), qualitative researchers should provide thick descriptions of their methodology so that other investigators could replicate the study in other environments and settings.

Ethical Considerations

Ethics consideration has to do with guidance that makes researchers conduct trustworthy scientific research. In other words, a proper ethical protocol should ensure the rights, anonymity, and welfare of the subjects (people, animals, or environment). For the purpose of this research study, the (my university name) ethical guideline for human research will be followed. That is, in compliance with the (my university name) ethics procedures, the researcher will follow the process of conducting interviews. The research will only commence after ethical approval is granted by the (my university name) Human Research Ethics Committee. After ethical approval is obtained, invitations will be sent to the potential participants. They will be asked to provide written consent. Written consent forms must include the most important information as to the research, including its purpose, relevance, and methodology (Creswell & Poth, 2017). The expected implications and outcomes of the study will be mentioned in order to motivate the participants to be collaborative and sincere. The participants will also be informed about their right to withdraw from the project at any time. The confidentiality and anonymity of the samples’ data will be guaranteed. The interviews will be held outside the participants’ employment settings in order to avoid any negative outcomes for the samples. For instance, local NGOs and governmental institutions will be addressed as the researcher will be able to identify potential participants among one of the target groups. The invitations to participate can be sent through the organizational communication channels. Nevertheless, although some employees will be approached through their organizational structures, employers will not be informed about the people who will agree to take part in the study.

Any research must comply with a number of ethical standards. Scum ethical principles as nonmaleficence, responsibility, respect, and competence will guide this research. Creswell and Poth (2017) emphasize that respect is the key ethical guideline to follow when implementing a qualitative study. The researcher should respect the participants’ rights and make sure that no data is disclosed without people’s consent. The researcher should also ensure that the participants will not face any difficulties or issues due to their participation. According to Creswell and Poth (2017), the samples should be awarded for their participation, but due to the scarcity of resources, the award can take the form of sincere gratitude and acknowledgment of each participant’s contribution to the research, as well as the development of effective solutions to the existing problem.

Contribution to the literature

This study will make a number of contributions to refugees and their host communities’ research. Firstly, it will address a current gap in the body of knowledge regarding how governments and non-government organizations can mitigate the tension between refugees and their host communities. From a theoretical perspective, another contribution of this study will be to provide a research framework to explore factors that mitigate the tension between Syrian refugees and the Jordanian host community. Specifically, the study will examine the phenomenon of a hostile reaction of host communities towards refugees. Thus, this work is among the first to study the tension between refugees and their host communities. Examining the status of tension between the two groups is as important as or even more important than resettlement itself.

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