Power and International Order, and Great Power Competition

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Table of Contents

China’s Rise and Views of the Emerging International Order
Great Power Competition
References

China’s Rise and Views of the Emerging International Order

The economic and political rise of China in the world, radical personnel renewal of party and state structures, and other measures to regulate the country’s forces affect the foreign policy of the PRC. At the same time, the principle of political and ideological continuity of the strategic course of generations is strictly followed. China’s foreign policy identity and behavior, as well as the entire structure of its external activity, is carried out and develops under the influence of the historical past.

Among the features characteristic of the self-realization of the global power, in addition to maneuvering within the big triangle Russia-USA-China, one can name several unique aspects that describe the development of China. These are the specificity of the doctrinal and conceptual views of the PRC on the world order, attempts to disseminate its vision of a multipolar world and a new international order, and unique historical experience.

One of the features of the current international situation in which the rise of the PRC is taking place is the inability to gain success without cooperation. The state interests of all major powers have reached high rates of intertwining and interdependence (Zhao, 2015). The current position of the PRC’s leaders is that the growth of the global role of China should proceed peacefully while taking into account the interests of other countries. The rise and movement towards economic growth should take place on the basis of cooperation and co-development, respect for other civilizations, and constructive dialogue with them.

In contrast to the ancient ethical principles of power retention, in particular, royal ethics, hegemony, and tyranny, today, the Chinese government relies on more democratic methods of controlling power (Zhao, 2015). Despite the continuity of culture and strong ties among generations, the country has adapted to the modern world order, which is largely due to the need to interact with other states to maintain economic stability. Thus, in modern conditions, the promotion of the idea of strengthening China aims not to oppose the country and its culture to other states.

Regarding the changes in approaches to foreign policy, the Chinese leadership constantly emphasizes that the PRC does not strive for hegemony. Although today, several superpowers demonstrate rivalry in trade, finance, and other areas, China adheres to an independent position that does not imply a movement towards dominance as the main goal of development (Mearsheimer, 2019). Moreover, the country is focused on preserving the national heritage, and the passive missionary zeal typical of communist states is uncharacteristic for China (Mearsheimer, 2019).

The state aims to maximize the opportunities of economic globalization and study and benefit from the achievements of human civilization, thereby discarding ideological biases and templates. This means that, despite its aggressive economic policy of domination, the state in question does not intend to strive for power leadership and achieve the status of the most influential state of the 21st century.

At the same time, against the background of general expectations that over the next decade, China will still manage to squeeze the United States as the largest economy in the world, growing concerns are noticeable. Both in the media and among political elites, there are ideas about the prospects for Chinese domination and a potential shift in the balance of power (Allan et al., 2018). Moreover, these fears are not necessarily related to the potential power of China.

To a greater extent, they are determined by the fact that the result of increased Chinese dominance may be the prevalence of the Beijing consensus (Allan et al., 2018). At its core, one can highlight two key ideas guiding opinions about the possible growth of the PRC in the international arena. On the one hand, there is an idea of prioritizing a government-defined collective good over individual rights. On the other hand, there is a notion that a socialist market economy with strong state intervention, as well as a one-party government system, is central to the system of government. These ideas shape the current ideas about a potential threat of Chinese dominance.

Either perspective, if destined to become a reality, will require adaptation to a lifestyle different from that promoted by the United States. The Western order presupposes a way of life in which individual rights prevail over the collective good and the market economy is guarded by liberal democratic rules. Thus, the growth of Chinese opportunities in the international arena, in case of a transition to more active mechanisms of the build-up of power, can transform economic, political, and trade trends promoted by other superpowers.

China’s unique ideas about the existing world order shape the country’s image and explain the individual aspects of its development. Despite the absence of clear geopolitical interests and the desire to dominate, the economic growth of this power can be described as aggressive, which, in turn, allows it to significantly influence the world order. The need to interact with other superpowers and maintain cooperation to ensure trade stability explains the loyalty of the PRC and the lack of obvious plans to achieve global leadership.

Great Power Competition

The return of great power rivalry is a phenomenon in global politics in the context of the transformation of the world order. The current rivalry is caused by the struggle for power and the contradictions among the national interests of various players. Nevertheless, this phenomenon is hazardous for international safety and stability. Due to the economic and military asymmetry among some states and competition in many areas simultaneously, this is becoming difficult to assess the risk of information or economic pressure escalating into a military conflict. The antagonism of superpowers is reflected in the course of regional conflicts.

The danger of the existing competition is that the growing conflict in relations among these countries leads to the fact that general hostility is transferred to all conflicts in which they participate. The deepening division of labor both in the world and within individual states causes property stratification and social polarization. Assessing the rivalry among such superpowers as Russia, the US, China, and India can highlight the key aspects of the international order, potential implications for the balance of power, and the factors influencing the status quo in the world arena.

The evaluation of relations between the United States and China is one of the most discussed topics in the context of the existing balance of power. Since the late 1980s, America has occupied a position of global hegemon unprecedented in the world system (Shifrinson, 2016). At the same time, China is rapidly strengthening its global position. By betting on active participation in globalization in the 1990s, China has reaped enormous benefits and accumulated economic power (Pardesi, 2015). Today, the country has transformed these benefits into political and military ones.

There are elements of both cooperation and rivalry in relations between the United States and China. The two countries have built a model of mutually beneficial and increasingly complex economic ties. Both states have influential business lobbies advocating for better relations, as well as deepening interpersonal ties at the level of elites and ordinary citizens. Nonetheless, the tensions between the two states are escalating, and the main reason is that growing China is increasingly becoming a competitor to the United States in many aspects of global leadership.

While the United States continues to strengthen its power, the economic and military-political potential of the PRC is growing faster, and the global balance of power is gradually shifting towards China (Brooks & Wohlforth, 2015). Not being an ally of the US, on the basis of containing China, India, as a state that has weight in the international arena, is trying to get closer to Washington (Pardesi, 2015). As a result, this bipolarity further exacerbates the relationship between the two superpowers.

Another rivalry at the level of superpowers in the modern world is the confrontation between the United States and Russia. After the end of the Cold War, the countries temporarily put the confrontation on hold despite differing views of the political order, in particular, Western capitalism and Russian authoritarianism (Shifrinson, 2016). However, after the events of 2014 and the annexation of Crimea to Russia with the participation of the Russian Armed Forces, the conflict entered an open phase. Moscow regained its status as one of the main rivals of the US, which was lost after the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the USSR (Brooks & Wohlforth, 2015).

Today, the two countries’ special services are actively working against each other. The US has passed a sanctions law that is unlikely to be lifted in the foreseeable future. At the military level, the two countries are on the verge of a military clash in Syria due to the difference in geopolitical interests and the desire to impose a particular political ideology. Under these conditions, the space for constructive dialogue between the United States and Russia is steadily shrinking.

The destructive potential of the growing rivalry between China and India is clear. The interaction of these superpowers determines not only the state of international relations in the region under consideration but also the fate of the multipolar world order, including international affairs at the global level. The states have never been close, but in recent years, they have increasingly entered into sharp diplomatic duels (Pardesi, 2015). One of the causes of the conflict is territorial divisions caused by differences in their opinions regarding the official boundaries of individual territories (Pardesi, 2015). This means that the rivalry in question can be viewed in the context of realism.

Any action by China aimed to strengthen its presence in Eurasia is perceived by India as a geopolitical challenge and is a cause of discontent. As a result, the existing fragile peace between these countries is largely based on the preserved diplomatic relations, and there are risks of unleashing an active conflict.

The evaluation of the rivalry of superpowers in the international arena, including such countries as China, Russia, the United States, and India, highlights the characteristic controversies and causes of competition. Currently, the most acute contradictions arise between the United States and Russia, the United States and China, as well as China and India. Diplomatic norms and regulations are essential incentives to maintain peace between the superpowers to prevent global armed confrontation and keep a relatively equal balance of power.

References

Allan, B. B., Vucetic, S., & Hopf, T. (2018). The distribution of identity and the future of international order: China’s hegemonic prospects. International Organization, 72(4), 839-869. Web.

Mearsheimer, J. J. (2019). Bound to fail: The rise and fall of the liberal international order. International Security, 43(4), 7-50. Web.

Zhao, S. (2015). Rethinking the Chinese world order: The imperial cycle and the rise of China. Journal of Contemporary China, 24(96), 961-982. Web.

Brooks, S. G., & Wohlforth, W. C. (2015). The rise and fall of the great powers in the twenty-first century: China’s rise and the fate of America’s global position. International Security, 40(3), 7-53. Web.

Pardesi, M. S. (2015). Is India a great power? Understanding great power status in contemporary international relations. Asian Security, 11(1), 1-30. Web.

Shifrinson, J. R. I. (2016). Deal or no deal? The end of the Cold War and the US offer to limit NATO expansion. International Security, 40(4), 7-44. Web.

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Power and International Order, and Great Power Competition

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