Nationalism in Austria, Germany and Italy

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Introduction

The nineteenth century was a period of severe hardships for the divided states of modern Italy and Germany that were ruled by varied outside powers. Germans were living in 314 states that were barely united under the control of Austria (Farmer & Stiles, 2008). At the same time, Italy was separated by multiple external forces that competed against each other in the world arena. Their presence weakened the country, and they were leaving each other more vulnerable. In turn, Austria had its last advantage held by its military strength, yet it was multinational and did not have enough allies (Rowe, 2013). Under this background, nationalism was able to find its foothold.

Thesis statement and the Paper’s Roadmap

Italy and Germany were able to become the major political powers only through unification under a robust national idea, with the domination of the Austrian Empire serving as the catalyst of this process. The division that Germany and Italy had experienced in the nineteenth century was necessary to be eradicated through a focus on ethnic kinship. At the same time, Australian political and financial struggles allowed its controlled states in both countries to act with great success. Moreover, the growth of nationalist ideas gave rise to solid political forces that were essential in overcoming external influence that kept Germany and Italy divided. This essay will review how nationalism played its role in the unification of Italy and Germany and how it affected Austria.

The Pressure on Italy and Germany by Austria and other Neighboring Countries

As has been said, the external pressure on Germans and Italians was high. Austria, Spain, France, and other key players were pushing onto these states, competing for dominance. The detrimental effect of this internal competition was evident, as Europe was far less heterogeneous due to expansionist politics attempted by several of its members. For example, the disputes between Austria and Prussia led to them disregarding their states’ suffering and inadvertently creating the German Confederation (Hastings, 2018). This attempt to gain a better position among European political forces was not unique to Germany. Religious figures had a strong influence over Italy at that period. However, Pope Pius’ inability to adequately address the division that grew over anti-Austrian protests led to the destabilization of Rome’s control over its regions and outbreaks of violence (Hastings, 2018). There has been a long row of adverse events that triggered unification. These constant fights for control that occurred on territories of Italy and Germany had a substantial negative impact on the states’ economic and political stability (Rowe, 2013). Seeking solutions to long-lasting hostilities, citizens with active political positions decided to take charge.

Why did Austria Lose its Power over the Controlled States?

During the nineteenth century, Austria was rapidly losing its position in comparison with its past role in Europe. The French Revolution destroyed the balance of power, causing numerous crises, such as the Hohenzollerns, the anti-Austrian coalition between France and Russia, and spreading distrust between states, including southern German regions (Farmer & Stiles, 2008). The Austrian Empire saw little to no benefit from such a dire situation, as it was the likely target for aggression from all sides. The industrialization process played a major role in leaving Austria behind economically. For example, its attempts to capitalize on new technologies made its controlled German territories stronger through the urbanization process that gave rise to better-educated citizens (Hastings, 2018).

Higher levels of education made countries realize their positions and strive for better lives. For example, Austria has kept its strong presence in Germany by keeping its many states divided through internal conflicts and disrupted by the economic struggles from military activities (Hastings, 2018). Austria was unable to continue its strategy after the shocks from economically prosperous regions that became rebellious. There were several attempts to overthrow its rulership in several different locations, as well as the menace that stemmed from the neighboring countries, including France (Hastings, 2018). The economic growth of Austria’s regions exceeded their ruler, putting it under duress and giving Germany and Italy another reason to unite.

The Rise of Nationalism in Germany and Italy as a Response to External Intrusions into Local Politics

It was the time when new ideologies were easier to accept among the masses since their political positions were shifting. People were learning about injustices that affected their lives and began to strive for improvements. Steps taken by Germans toward nationalism stemmed from the need to address the concerns of locals through a governmental body that would be familiar with their struggles. For example, Rowe (2013) argues that “public engagement with politics beyond a particular locality” was the only way for citizens of oppressed states to be heard by their rulers (p. 478). In fact, the idea was that the nation must have been able to manage itself to lessen the burden of its distant ruler.

The role of the Austrian pressure on Italy was a deciding factor in turning nationalism into a path for unification as well. For example, the anti-Austria riots that took place in a number of Italian states in the middle of the nineteenth century helped spread the nationalist ideas over many states prone to rebellion, such as Sicily (Gooch, 2002). People wished to stop the bloodshed that occurred in the middle of the nineteenth century. The alliance between Italian Prime Minister Cavour and Napoleon led to mobilization and the spread of awareness of the horrors of battlefields (Hastings, 2018). The same ideas that permeated other European countries at that time led to highly motivated Italians choosing to create an independent government.

Austria’s role in the rise of nationalism is not strictly indirect. Rowe (2013) writes that “Austria became Europe’s leading opponent of nationalism” (p. 505). There was a clear realization that nationalism would be the end of this empire as the independent movements grew in numbers. However, Austria’s position was only a strengthening factor for nations that were already coming together on the basis of the needs and views shared by their citizens. At this time, various justifications of racial superiority became prominent among aristocrats, who, in turn, promoted said thoughts among larger populations, effectively radicalizing them (Hastings, 2018). The interests of ethnic groups took over the ambitions of distant rulers, making Italy and Germany the major forces that fought back their adversaries.

Conclusion

In conclusion, nationalism allowed Germany and Italy to unite into independent political powers under the ethnic-centered ideas and oppose the Austrian rulership that spread over many of their states. The actions of the monarchies, including the Austrian Empire, were detrimental to people who lived in the states where German and Italian ethnic groups were the majority. At the same time, these people had an opportunity to utilize their resources and the occupants’ weakened state to gain an advantage on their home ground. Austria, which had a strong influence over both Italy and Germany, had lost its lead by gaining too many adversaries on the political stage. It has ignored the pleas of people in distant states, who felt being left to fend for themselves. Nationalism began as an attempt of these communities to manage their need under the influence of the ideas of that time.

References

Farmer, A., & Stiles, A. (2008). Access to history: The unification of Germany 1815-1919 (3rd ed.). Hodder Education.

Gooch, J. (2002). The unification of Italy. Routledge.

Hastings, D. (2018). Nationalism in Modern Europe: Politics, identity, and belonging since the French Revolution. Bloomsbury.

Rowe, M. (2013). The French Revolution, Napoleon, and nationalism in Europe. In J. Breuilly (Ed.), The Oxford handbook of the history of nationalism (pp. 476-563). Oxford University Press.

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