Okinawan Anti-Base Movement: Transnational Perspective

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Table of Contents

Introduction
Historical Context
Motives and Ideology
The 1900s and the 21st Century
Transnational Perspective
Conclusion
References

Introduction

The Independence movement in Okinawa or Ryukyu is aimed to turn Okinawa and nearby territories, namely the island Ryukyu, into a sovereign state, which is not controlled by Japan. It began in 1945, after the end of the war in the Pacific Ocean (Chibana, 2013). Some residents of Okinawa were convinced that after the Japanese occupation conducted by allies, Ryukyu should become independent instead of returning this territory to Japan (Smits 2017). However, the majority insisted on uniting with the metropolis in hopes that it will contribute to finishing the occupation. American-Japanese agreement on safety was signed in 1951 year, and to this data, the formal union of Okinawa and Japan occurred, which implied establishing American military forces in this area (Chibana 2013). This prepared a solid base for renewing the political movement for Ryukyu independence. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to conduct research on the topic of the contemporary history of the Okinawan anti-base movement and present a transnational perspective on this issue.

Historical Context

In order to outline the current situation in this region, it is vital to understand the causes, which prompted this movement. Consequently, pursuing an in-depth comprehension of the problem at the current moment, there is a necessity to cover the historical context of this event (Chibana 2013). Initially, the kingdom Ryukyu was a tributary of China, and Ryukyu kings sent ambassadors to China and asked Chinese emperors to allow them to use the title of Ryukyu wang (Shimabuku 2010). This tradition began in 1372 during the reign of Ming, and people adhered to it till the collapse of the kingdom Ryukyu in 1875 (Chibana 2013; Shimabuku 2010). As Ryukyu could not be compared to Japan in the context of its square and power, the Japanese from feudal princedom Satsuma intervened in the country in 1609 (Smits 2017). From this data, Ryukyu was in the position of a semi-dependent state till it was annexed and turned into prefecture Okinawa in 1879 (Smits 2017; Shimabuku 2010). It is highly likely that there were different supporters of independence in Satsuma, Japan, and China in this period (Smits 2017). However, it should be noted that there were no significant movements for pursuing this objective.

There were protests aimed to promote and achieve independence of the Okinawan people after its annexing before and after World War II. Later, the occupational government of the United States took control of Okinawa. Roosevelt told Chang Kai-shek that he was willing to return Ryukyu to China, though Chang Kai-shek refused the proposal due to numerous considerable reasons (Smits 2017). Americans maintained their control under the islands Ryukyu till 1972, twenty years after finishing of formal occupation of the rest part of Japan (Shimabuku 2010). In 1945, after the war, there were background causes for creating an absolutely sovereign state Ryukyu. Then, during the period of occupation, a significant movement not only for independence but also for returning to the Japanese reign emerged (Chibana 2013; Shimabuku 2010). Since 1972 and returning Okinawa under Japanese control, the movement has been aimed to create an absolutely independent state Ryukyu.

Motives and Ideology

In order to understand the sequence of events in the past and the situation in the modern world, it is essential to outline the fundamental motives and ideology of the Okinawan anti-base movement. Supporters of the necessity to return to Japanese sovereignty promoted the opinion that the majority of Okinawan residents were a part of the Japanese nationality, approaching the issue from ethnical, cultural, and political perspectives (Fackler 2013). During the Meiji reign, when the kingdom Ryukyu was formally annihilated and annexed, significant efforts were made to conduct the assimilation of the local residents (Kojima 2008). The Meiji government was determined to make the people of a new prefecture identify themselves as Japanese. The Ryukyu population was given citizenry, names, passports, and other definitions of their status as a part of Japanese nationality (Smits 2017). They were also involved in a national system of state education. Using this education system and other methods, both governmental and independent, Ryukyu residents were integrated into the Japanese population.

Reinterpretations of stories of Ryukyu and Hokkaido, which were included in the territories of Japan approximately at the same time, were noted. Furthermore, a belief that the Ainus, living in Hokkaido and Japanese, residents of Ryukyu, were Japanese ethnically and culturally, from the beginning of their existence (Mitzi 2014). The fact that these cultures had different specifics and peculiarities was not given priority (Smits 2017). During this time, this imposed identification gained popularity among the younger generation. They were born in prefecture Okinawa as Japanese citizens and considered themselves a part of the population of this country.

The 1900s and the 21st Century

The recent event and the current situation in this region were traced from its beginning in the 20th century. Despite the fact that the movement exists in the U.S., Japan, and Okinawa, which claims the necessity to conduct military disengagement from Okinawa, only separate and gradual protests occurred, pursuing this objective (Arasaki 2014; Allen 1996). In 1995, the realization the decision of troop pullout was canceled, and the burst of opposition was noted (Arasaki 2014). In 2005, Anglo-Japanese Ling Quanzhong, a professor at Ryukyu University, conducted a telephone survey among Okinawa residents, who are older than 18 years (Chibana 2012). He received responses from 1029 people, and the question was about their perceptions of their origin (Chibana 2012). The analyses of the survey revealed that 40, 6 % of the respondents refer themselves to as Okinawans, and 21, 3 % regard themselves as Japanese (Chibana 2012). In addition, the rest of the population approaches their origin both Okinawan and Japanese.

Another question, included in the survey, addresses their opinion on Okinawa’s independence in conditions the Japanese government allows or does not allow it to decide on its future without any restrictions. Approximately a quarter of the survey participants are convinced that Okinawa should become a sovereign state in case the Japanese government permits it; 20, 5 % of respondents believe that Okinawa should become independent despite restrictions from the Japanese government (Chibana 2012). People, who consider that Okinawa should be controlled by other countries, comprised 58, 7 %, and 57, 4 % proportionally.

In general, it may be highlighted that in the context of present-day developments, Okinawan culture is gaining popularity among the Japanese population. The song “Simauta”, created by the band “The Boom”, prompted the interest in this specific culture (Arasaki 2014). Japanese are involved in exploring Okinawan music, and, in addition, cooking television programs, revealing specifics of Okinawa traditions, are in high demand.

However, this does not mean that the independent identification of Okinawans as a separate nationality is absolutely gone. A considerable number of Ryukyu residents see themselves as another community, which is different from the Japanese from the ethnic perspective with a unique cultural heritage (Chibana 2012). They notice a significant difference between themselves and continent Japanese citizens (Chibana 2012; Mitzi 2014). Many Okinawans feel special and strong contact with the traditional culture of Ryukyu and the history of their independent state, which existed till 1609 (Chibana 2012; Arasaki 2014). The policy of assimilation, conducted by Meiji, is criticized to a large extent.

In the context of present-day developments, when tolerance towards different nationalities is actively promoted, more and more people support the independence movement. In 2013, the Association of Comprehensive Studies for Independence of the Lew Chewans was created, aimed to pursue demilitarization and encourage the possibility to identify the origin of the residents without influencing them (McCormack et al. 2018). In 2015, a forum on the pic of the movement was organized in New York (McCormack et al. 2018). Consequently, contrary to past events, today, the issue of self-identification gains extreme importance.

Transnational Perspective

Therefore, a range of countries is involved in the issue of the Okinawa independence movement, and all the participants require others to avoid bothering their interests. It is evident that it is an important strategic point for the (U.S Tanji 2008). These days, the importance of this state in the context of world politics and geopolitics is evident, and for this reason, it should have sufficient resources to ensure its power (Kojima 2008). In addition, the European Union is always contradistinguished to the U. S., and the latter is located far away from the majority of other influential states (U.S Tanji 2008). Consequently, the military bases allow the U.S. to respond urgently to the actions of the European Union (Allen 1996). The rapid pace of development of the Asian region also causes significant worries for the U.S. government, and the troops in Okinawa may contribute to balancing its growing power.

As for Japan, it is not interested in threatening its borders, as the independence of Ryukyu may prompt the interest in this island by other states. Thus, Japan may be at risk of a close approach to its territories by rivals (McCormack et al. 2018; Fackler 2013). The weakening of Japan may be used by China for its own benefit (McCormack et al. 2018). For this reason, the country makes efforts to maintain the island as a part of its territory.

Conclusion

In conclusion, it may be mentioned that the Okinawan anti-base movement is traced to past events in the relationships between Japan, China, and the United States. In the 20th century, the problem of Ryukyu independence appeared to be a pressing concern. A great number of people promoted the necessity for demilitarization and separation from Japan. However, during the reign of Meiji, the government did its best to assimilate the Ryukyu residents, and these days, the difference is not evident. People identify themselves as Japanese, Okinawan, and both Japanese and Okinawan. In addition, Okinawan culture has gradually become a part of the national heritage of the Japanese population. Therefore, these days, the problem is not as hot button as it was in the past. However, the possibility to identify nationality freely is actively promoted in this region.

References

Allen, Mathew. 1996. Japan’s Minorities. New York: Routledge

Arasaki, Moriteru. 2014. “Can Okinawa be the “catalyst” for peace in East Asia?.” Inter-Asia Cultural Studies, 15 (1): 43-62.

Chibana, Megumi. 2013. “Striving for Land, Sea, and Life: The Okinawan Demilitarization Movement.” Pacific Asia Inquiry, 4 (1): 136-154.

Chibana, Megumi. 2012. “Discovering Okinawan Identity: Articulation and Activism.” Master Thesis, The University of Hawaii in Manoa.

Fackler, Martin. 2013. “In Okinawa, Talks of Break from Japan Turns Serious.” The New York Times.

Kojima, Shinji. 2008. Remembering the Battle of Okinawa: The Reversion Movement. Hawaii: University of Hawaii Press.

McCormack, Gavan, and Satoko Oka Norimatsu. 2018. Resistant Islands: Okinawa Confronts Japan and the United States, Second Edition. Plymouth: Rowman & Littlefield.

Mitzi, Uehara Carter. 2014. “Mixed Race Okinawans and Their Obscure In-Betweenness.” Journal of Intercultural Studies, 35 (6): 646-661.

Shimabuku, Annmaria. 2010. “Petitioning subjects: miscegenation in Okinawa from 1945 to 1952 and the crisis of sovereignty.” Inter‐Asia Cultural Studies, 11 (3): 355-374.

Smits, Gregory. 2017. Visions of Ryukyu. Hawaii: University of Hawai’i Press.

Tanji, Miyume. 2008. “U.S. Court Rules in the “Okinawa Dugong.” Critical Asian Studies, 40 (3): 475-487.

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