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The main structures of the Zionist movement already existed by the time of Theodor Herzl’s death. These included the Zionist Organisation, the Jewish Settlement Movement Foundation, and the Jewish National Fund. The purpose of the foundation was to acquire land in Palestine and prepare it for the needs of the settlement movement. The population of Jews settling in the Land of Israel was still low, but the rate of population growth was higher than previously. The Zionist movement, however, lacked one essential thing: recognition by an enormous power, which would have enabled the Zionist dream to become a reality. The possibility of gaining this recognition emerged after World War I. On November 2, 1917, the British government issued a document in which it acknowledged the right of the Jewish people to form a national hearth in their historic motherland. This document went down in history as the Balfour Declaration.
The essence of the conflict between Arabs and Jews in the Middle East is the consistent and complete refusal of the Palestinian authorities to recognize the legal national rights of the Jewish people in Israel. The Declaration was a recognition that the Jewish people are indigenous to the Land of Israel and have maintained a permanent presence there for millennia (Ha’am, 1897). The Jews have been striving to restore their national home since the Romans’ destruction of the Kingdom of Judah in 70 A.D. However, the road to the successful realization of this goal did not begin until the 19th century. The aspiration to return to Zion then took on the characteristics of a political movement with active structures created at the First Zionist Congress in Basel in 1897.
The paper known today as the Balfour Declaration was issued on November 2, 1917, by Lord Arthur James Balfour, Secretary of State of the British Empire. The hidden implication of this text is, in fact, that His Majesty’s cabinet is advocating the restoration of a national sanctuary for the Jewish people in Palestine. It will also make every effort to ensure that this objective is achieved. The decisive point in the paper, however, is that in order to achieve this goal, nothing must be done that might impair the civil and religious liberties of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine. Nor should anything be done, that would infringe on the rights and political position of Jews in any other land. It should be emphasized that at the time of publication of the Balfour Declaration, the term “Palestine” referred only and exclusively to the geographical region comprising the historic Land of Israel. It did not refer to a political entity, as no independent or sovereign entity called Palestine ever existed. Having examined the distinguishing trait of the most widely known version of the Declaration, it is possible to analyze its similarities and differences with others.
One of the first versions of the Declaration was formulated by Herbert Sidebotham in June 1917. In 1916, as a war journalist, he helped found the British Palestine Committee, which was instrumental in attracting English public opinion. Under the auspices of this committee, a small weekly magazine, Palestine, began to be published, containing analytical articles. This draft of the Declaration described Britain’s full acknowledgement of Jewish authority in Palestine. The author also emphasizes that in Palestine, the dominant nation will be the Jews, just as in England the English. This version says nothing about respecting the rights of non-Jewish peoples within Palestine, nor about the rights of Jews outside Palestine. It concentrates on the national domination of the Jews on their territory. Apparently, at that time, the only reasonable means of transferring power to the Jewish nation of Palestine was to grant national domination. Herbert Sidebotham’s version is characterized by radicalism and a kind of nationalism not found in the other versions of the Declaration. This radicalism can be attributed to the initial stage of the Declaration’s conception and an attempt to formulate its ultimate goal most explicitly.
Ahad Ha’Am and Nahum Sokolow drafted another version of the Declaration on July 12, 1917. This Declaration already paid much more attention to the practical principles of the embodiment of Palestine as the national homeland of the Jewish people. For example, the authors spoke of granting Jews internal autonomy, freedom of migration, and protection for Palestine after the end of World War I. As can be seen, the principle of national supremacy has been replaced by formulating clear steps to implement the plan for a Jewish Palestine. This version also focuses on the establishment of an organization for the economic development of the country. All in all, the Declaration of Ahad Ha’Am and Nahum Sokolow is a thoughtful and clearly articulated plan and shows the seriousness of the intentions of the allies of Palestine.
Two subsequent versions preceding the final version were published in July and August 1917. The first was drafted by Harry Sacher, a member of the Zionist organization. The second was composed by a member of the British government, Lord Alfred Milner. Harry Sacher’s version is relatively dry and structured. It affirms that the English government holds the principle of Jewish Palestine in high regard and will do all it can to protect it. It is worth noting here that the emphasis is on the protectorate, as in the previous version. This is most likely due to martial law, during which time the country has become well versed in the importance of patronage. In addition, this version emphasizes the development of a plan solely under the leadership of a Zionist organization.
Lord Alfred Milner’s version also enshrines the British taking any measures to support the return of Jews to Palestine. It does, however, have one crucial difference. It states that the government will note any proposal for implementing the plan from the Zionist organization. However, it reserves the last word. By comparing the two versions, one can well trace the attitude towards the involvement of the Zionist organization by the British government and the members of the organization itself.
To summarize, from the earliest to the final, all versions of the Declaration are of great research interest. Their differences are significant because they indicate the evolution of the views of the supporters of a Jewish Palestine. In addition, they point to differences in wording depending on the views of the author. The first version of the Declaration had a maximalist attitude, while the latter was formulated as a clear plan to action. The evolution of thought in such documents is fascinating. It allows for a better understanding of the motivations of the political actors of those times. Comparing the versions of the Declaration and highlighting their differences helps us better understand the historical context of the Jewish struggle for Palestine. These differences show how different people may have different means of achieving the same goal.
Reference
Ha’am, A. (1897). The Jewish State and Jewish Problem. American Zionist Emergency Council.
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