China’s Media Regulations and Its Political Right to Enforce: Conflict With Foreign Correspondents

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Abstract

In China, foreign journalists are never given sufficient freedom to cover issues related to the state and government. Foreign journalists have always demanded for freedom but the government of China has been reluctant to grant them the right to freedom of the press. In China, the government has the right to enforce laws barring journalists from covering sensitive information touching on the state.

Foreign journalists are always in conflict with the government regarding coverage of sensitive events. In this article, the freedom of press in China is compared to the rights of freedom of press in other developed countries such as the US.

The paper establishes whether the US laws on freedoms are superior to the Chinese policies on media freedoms. Moreover, the paper analyzes how China’s political factors influence media freedoms. In China, cultural factors are known to affect media coverage in a number o ways, especially foreign coverage.

In 2011, the US ambassador was one of the envoys who criticized the government of China for controlling media coverage in the country. Foreign journalists were attacked in Beijing and unknown individuals believed to be acting on behalf of the state seized their properties. This paper will employ quantitative research methods in analyzing the influence of state machineries on foreign journalists.

The paper will assess a number of secondary sources including journal articles, books, websites, and biographies. In accomplishing this task, the paper will be guided by three major research questions. Moreover, a hypothesis related to foreign media coverage will be developed.

Research Questions

In case reporters are sent to foreign countries to cover certain events, do they have to abide by the local laws barring the rights of journalists as regards to freedom? In other words, do journalists have to follow internationally recognized standards or local standards?
Is the US right of freedom of press superior to the Chinese media policy
How does political factors and cultural factors affect the media, particularly in China

Hypothesis

H1. There is a direct relationship between political freedom and media coverage because lack of political freedom affects the activities of journalists, especially foreign journalists

H0. No relationship exists between media coverage and political freedoms

Secondary Sources Type one: Reference Sources

The topic was selected after a careful review of activities going on in China. The media plays a critical role in enhancing the living standards of the poor. For instance, the media empowers the poor by availing important information.

In cases of corruption, mismanagement of public funds, fraud, political oppression, misrepresentation, and unfair treatment, the media exposes the victims and organizes people to demand for accountability. In many developing countries and communistic societies, foreign media plays a critical role in shaping the political landscape.

Politics affects the lives of citizens in a number of ways implying that bad politics would result to poor governance whereas participative politics would lead to accountability. In the third world, foreign journalists have done a commendable job by exposing justices and empowering the locals to participate in their democratic rights.

In China, the gap between the poor and the rich is ever increasing meaning that the rich are becoming richer while the poor are live under appalling conditions.

The media is China is highly controlled because the owners of the means of production believe that it exists to interfere with their position. The local media is managed and is highly controlled by the ruling class implying that it would not report cases related to oppression and omission of human rights.

From the bibliographies of the works of various scholars, it is evident that foreign journalists have never enjoyed their rights in China. They are often arrested and are taken through inhuman processes in order to frustrate their efforts. President Hu Jintao of China supported the activities of activists in Tunisia because the ruling class in Tunisia was the menace to the world.

The ruling class controlled fuel prices and they would increase the prices as they wished. However, the president never supports the activities of freedom fighters in his own country. This is surprising because he sends soldiers and other senior government officials to troubled regions to offer technical assistance yet he does not allow the media to enjoy its freedoms in his own land.

From the bibliographies, it is revealed that the government of China uses other means of containing violence, such as social harmonization. In 2011, the president was concerned with the activities of foreign journalists who urged members to gather to demand for their rights. Foreign journalists communicated to their supporters through the internet, which worried the government and the Communist Party.

The bibliographies show that the president urged the supporters of the Communist Party to keep off from activities that would interfere with harmony and stability of the country. Even though the president urged supporters not to engage in unnecessary riots, chaos were reported in over thirteen cities.

People urged the government to offer food, employment, clothing, and improve the standards of living. The government of China never allowed demonstrators in streets after first demonstration proved successful. The government refused to grant a permit to journalists, who were mainly foreign.

In streets, police officers were deployed in large numbers meaning that the government was ready to use force to dispatch supporters of foreign journalists. Foreign reporters were urged to apply for permits before they could proceed to cover sensitive events.

Foreign journalists who never listened to the demands of the government were seriously beaten and their properties were destroyed. For instance, sixteen journalists were seriously injured and others were detained after the first demonstration in Beijing.

Historical dictionaries show that the Chinese government does not support the activities of foreign journalists, especially those from the west. Journalists from the west are perceived as forces whose main agenda is to destabilize the government and interfere with the national security.

Historically, China has never been in good terms with the west. The media is one of the properties of the ruling class, which is used to enforce compliance. Historical data show that the west uses the media to discredit the functions of governments in the third world. In this regard, the west is accused of supporting neo-colonialism because it does not respect the laws of developing nations.

Secondary Sources Type 2: Historical Context

Historical sources show that the media in China is highly restricted in matters of coverage. The government restricts both domestic and foreign reporters from covering information perceived to be sensitive to the survival of the government. In 2008, the country hosted an international event in the name of Olympics, but the foreign media was not allowed to cover events beyond its mandate.

Even though the economy of the country has been growing at a faster rate, this does not reflect the growth of the media industry. Chinese economic growth supports the global economy because the country contributes a big share of the world’s gross domestic product. After the Cold War, China emerged as one of the global economic powers.

However, the international system was still unipolar meaning that the US was the only powerful state. The government drove the economy in China while private investors drove the American economy after the Cold War. In China, even the media industry is owned by the state implying that reporting is biased.

The Bloomberg report, which is one of the historical sources used in this article, proved in 2010 that China is the Second largest economy in the world after the US. The Chinese activist, Deng Xiaoping, observed that China had to adopt the tenets of free market economy to achieve its economic interests.

History shows that China adopted capitalism in economic development, but embraced communism in matters related to individual rights and freedom. In this regard, the freedom of press and association is highly controlled.

In 1978, Deng became the Communist Party leader. He introduced a number of changes, which would guarantee economic development, but not political development. Power was centralized while economic policies were borrowed from well performing nations. In 1992, Deng’s economic development model was readdressed

Secondary Sources Type 3

The researcher would conduct a comprehensive review of the relevant literatures in this field. This field has received a lot of attention from various scholars. Some of the reports from these scholars have some contradiction and as such, the researcher made effort to address the contradictions. This explains the detailed coverage of the literature review.

The review of literatures was done in a two major ways. The first section deals with the conceptual framework while the second section would look at the theoretical framework. Moreover, two major issues will be evaluated under literature review.

Directives for foreign correspondence

China currently enjoys sustainable laws and regulations in relation to the media sector. This was influenced by her rapidly growing economy and the success that was brought by a successful hosting of the 2008 summer Olympics. The rules legislated fully accommodate and respect global professionals.

The outbreak of SARS in 2003, whose communication was delayed until 2006, was followed by constant disasters in the country up to 2006.

Due to this, the government legislated rules that made it illegal for the media to cover natural calamities, social strives, and health problems before seeking permission from the government. This law permitted the government department in charge of communications to fine media outlets and journalists who violated this directive up to $ 12000¹.

It was explained that this was an attempt by the government to preclude citizens’ unrest that would result from uncontrolled media reporting. These rules were retracted and were slightly amended as the Olympic Games were fast approaching in 2008. The law was amended to cover reporters who deliberately made up information and spread falsehood.

The international media in China continued to witness expanded freedom. From January 2007, the foreign correspondents were allowed legally to interview any Chinese citizen provided the interviewee was willing to be interviewed. This permission was to run through to the summer Olympics and ended in October 2008.

This meant that journalists were allowed to travel anywhere within China, except Tibet, without seeking permission from the travel agency. When the freedom of interview expired in October 2008, the travel permission was made permanent. This positive development was welcome by hundreds of foreign reporters.

In 2008, China experienced a myriad activity. The three big issues were, however, the increase in Tibetan protests, Sichuan earthquake, and the hosting of the summer Olympics. The government led by president Jintao came out strongly, by urging the media to handle these issues responsibly. The government went ahead and distributed guidelines on how it expected the media to conduct itself.

The areas that the government wanted the media to take caution included religion, ethnicity, tourism, security, and the stock market trading. The events of 2008, however, marked a major breakthrough towards media freedom in China.

The government media department continued to hold the countries’ traditional taboo issues by guiding all the media programming and content in 2009. This was to cut across all the media houses whether domestic or international. Additional requests to have expanded freedom for the media in China came in 2009. This was coincidentally pressed by the salient and crucial political anniversaries in the nation in the same year.

These arrays of activities during the year included a number of activities. For instance, the Chinese Communist Party held its 60^th anniversary in the same year. Moreover, the party was again to commemorate the 10^th anniversary since it banned Falun Gong rebellious movement and the 20^th celebration of the Tiananam square revolution.

Other events encompassed the 50^th anniversary of Delai Lama’s exile. The government needed to cover these occasions both as a strategy to clean its international image and at the same time make the party strong at home².

Things were almost similar to what happened during the Olympics. The rules were drafted, but this time foreign journalists were supposed to operate as per the standards of International Federation of Journalists. The government again made it clear that it expected the media to work to the service of the people, the party and the government in pretext of avoiding social unrests,

The correspondents referred to the Chinese media as having naivety when it came to matters of faithfulness and authoritarian idealism that formed the foundation of China as a nation. In 2010 and 2011, the Chinese government defied the US ambassador’s rants to control and manage the media³.

In October 2010, Liu Xiabo won the Nobel Peace Prize, being a Chinese dissident the government gave clear instructions that it was illegal for any media house to relay information. Liu’s award gave fresh impetus to the calls for China to release all journalists it had jailed. The Arab uprising in 2011 provided an opportunity to the Chinese government to tighten the noose on the media, claiming it was avoiding similar situations.

This was bizarre in the sense that China does not have any similarities with these nations, which included Syria, Tunisia, Egypt, and Yemen. While almost lifetime dictators ruled these countries, China’s president, Jintao, who ascended to office in 2003, was set to quit power in 2012.

Endless and Biased Complaints from the Foreign Correspondents in China

Certain foreign journalists overstep their limits purposefully to vilify the government. The government set up legalities of operation because even free media does not operate in a vacuum. Some of these laws are legitimate and are meant to harmonize or prevent danger during calamities. China is not exceptional. Some media personalities have in one or two occasions used this opportunity negatively.

For instance, during the Olympics, China identified Tibet as a forbidden zone. The foreign correspondents club of China accepted and agreed to abide by this fact. They, however, turned around and rebuked the government for restricting access to Tibet, demanding free access.

This was ironical. By admitting that Tibet was a forbidden zone, they indicated that they shared the government views on this matter. Why did they have to turn back and accuse the government? The Sichuan earthquake was disastrous and had devastating effects on humanity.

The situation called for a humanitarian action. Some journalist managed to access the area without permission. The situation was precarious and therefore the police had to take disciplinary action against the said journalists. This was an attempt to test the government from a negative perspective.

The Xinjiang religious riots of 2009 were another case in contention. The rioters who subscribed to the Islam faith threatened to assault the police. The area became a dangerous spot and it required heavy police protection for media personalities to access it. To avoid fatalities, the government advised foreign reporters to rely on the information from the domestic CCTV and Xinhua news agency.

It was reported in some media outlets that the police arrested and reprimanded some journalists. This was wrong since it aimed at blackmailing the Chinese government. This is not what freedom of journalism advocates for in China and elsewhere⁴.

In China, the government has made it very clear that media outlets irrespective of whether they are domestic or international have to serve the people of China, the interests of the Chinese Communist Party, and the government. The government further expounds that it is for harmonious prosperity of the people and the Republic. To foreign reporters, this is tantamount to dictatorship and therefore the department is an evil guest.

These reporters do not seem to comprehend cultural relativism that explains the difference in cultures and do justify the moral standards of the same. Cultures may conflict, but provided the respective communities appreciate it, the aliens have no obligation to challenge it. China asks the foreign media to stop complaining and become open minded to its policies.

Future Project

Understanding of Primary Sources

Primary sources are those that are obtained from the respondent. They are first hand information collected through questionnaires, interviews, and observation. To ensure originality in any research, there is need to use primary data. The purpose of collecting data was to help facilitate analysis that would lead to giving answers that are desired in this research (Pointer 99).

The objective of this research was to respond to some of the questions that other scholars had not responded to through the existing literature. To be in a position to respond to these questions, there would be need to collect data. After successful collection of data, analysis would be very important.

When taken from the field, data is considered raw and therefore cannot be of much help to the target audience. For this reason, it is important to analyze data to produce the desired result that would be useful to various individuals.

From the literature review, the researcher would gather considerable amount of information about this field. Many of the reports that exist in this field are very resourceful as individuals of high integrity did them. The manner in which they were done also passes as good enough to be used in various aspects of media freedom. However, this is a different research.

It must be in a position to develop its own arguments based on data collected from primary sources. This does not rule out the importance of secondary sources of data. Quantitative research involves systematic empirical study of a phenomenon by use of statistical tools. Its main objective is always to employ mathematical theories and models in developing its generalization.

Therefore, quantitative method would help in this research. It would enable the researcher to test the hypotheses put forth for validity and allow the use of a sample as a representation of the entire population. Although qualitative method was traditionally used in social science and would be appropriate in this research, it is not able to give empirical support for research hypothesis.

Qualitative methods explain why a given pattern of events has taken place the way they have⁵. On the other hand, quantitative methods explains what and when of a phenomena. Ethnographic research and phenomenology as approaches of qualitative research would have been appropriate.

Ethnography would help in investigation of the culture of Chinese. Phenomenology would have helped investigate realities of the media industry, as well as its effects on society. However, because the process may not empirically support the hypotheses put forward to help guide the research, it was not used in this research.

Conceptual and Analytical Tools

There would be two key analyical methods used to gather information in this research. The first one would be through a questionaire, which would be physically delivered to the responds. The questionaire would seek to capture various attitudes of government officials and foreign journalists regarding their opinions on the existence of the law touching on media freedom, and how the two would compare in terms of performance.

The second source of information to be used for the research would be literature on various aspects of the media in general, and the operational activities that takes place within the media industry.

The focus of the literature review would be to find information on the application media ethics in the workplace and also to determine the current state of research in relation to the media freedom. The questionnaire would have four parts⁶.

The first part would seek to capture the background information of respondents. The second part would deal with the demography and gender of the respondents. This would be to ascertain the prevalence of views in varoius categories in order to ensure that if any differences come about, then they would be captured in their demographic space.

The third part would deal with academic credentials and work experience of the respondents. The motivation for this section came from the understanding that different sections of population respond differently to issues, based on age and academic credentials. The fourth part would delve into the specific issues relating to media freedom a unit under investigation.

The questionaire would employ a mix of open and closed ended questions to capture different aspects of issues studied. Open ended questions were used because they give respondents more time to figure out their opinions, which would make them volunteer more information related to feelings, outlooks and comprehension of the subject. This would allow a researcher to understand the position of respondents as regards to feelings.

Open ended questions minimize some errors that could have been created in the course of research. Respondents rarely forget answers if given an opportunity to respond freely. Furthermore, respondents cannot ignore some questions because they must go through all of them.

Open ended questions generate data that can be used in data analysis by other researchers. In other words, they allow secondary data analysis. On the other hand, closed-ended questions are analyzed easily. That is why they were used in this study⁷.

Each response can be coded for statistical interpretation. Nonetheless, closed-ended questions are compatible with computer analysis package. The technique is more specific meaning that its answers are consistent in all conditions.

This aspect is impossible with open-ended questions because each respondent is allowed to use his or her own words. Finally, closed-ended questions take less time to administer unlike open-ended questions, which are detailed hence time consuming.

The questionnaire would be sent to respondents using drop and pick method. The researcher arrived at this decision after considering time and reseources. The method is time consuming, but very effective⁸. Furthmore, the method allows respondents to reflect on the questions and answer them accurately. Moreover, the method is not affected by the respondent’s level of literacy.

One big advantage of the technique is that there is interaction between the researcher and the researched. This means that respondent’s reactions are easily captured. Reactions are important because they give more information regarding the feelings of respondents.

The literature collected provided information regarding various theories related to media freedom, which is spread across the last century. The body of literature availed a number of theories dealing with sampling and sample designs in the media freedom and performance issues in the context of human resource develpment in the media industry.

Finally, the literature provided information on the state of research on the field. Various researchers have conducted studies on various elements of media restriction and its effects on political development. This gave the study a sound academic backing and a strong basis for drawing comparisons and conclusions.

The use of the questionaire made it possible to capture issues that are unique to the Chinese media industry. This is because there was no accessible literature with required degree of relevance to the subject matter of media coverage in China. The targeted staff responded to the questionaires, which were physically delivered to them.

The availability of respondents influenced the choice of this method because the Chinese governemnt operates throughout the day and therefore it is not possible at any one time to find all of them in one place. Physical delivery of the questionnaire increased the accuracy of data collected, as there was interactivity. After collection, the data went through analysis, culminating the observations and conclusions.

Limitations

In the process of collecting data for this research, analysis of the gathered data and in compiling data, the researcher would encounter a number of limitations and delimitations. This research will be conducted in the China. This was the scope of primary data collection. However, this field is universal, and issues relating to human rights affect societies in all parts of the world.

Nevertheless, the sample population for this research was within the confines of this region. This research paper is meant to be an inclusive analysis of the field of media freedom. The society in the China has a very sharp contrast to that of some other countries, such as the US and Britain.

In the United States and the UK, journalists have attained the status where they are considered a powerful force as far as management of public affairs is concerned. They can join any profession without fear of intimidation in whatsoever manner. In contrast, the Chinese society and many other Far East states are still not ready for a professional journalist.

The researcher would base this research on the primary data gathered from this country, and this would not be a representative of what is happening in all other countries around the world, especially in the Far East states.

To counter this challenge, the researcher would use secondary sources of data in the literature review in order to have a clear picture of what is happening in other countries. Review of secondary data reveals that although there is a difference in environmental structure in different societies, the challenges associated with media freedom is becoming universal Urbaniak.

Annotated Bibliography

Demers, David. Terrorism, globalization & mass communication: papers presented at the 2002 Center for Global Media Studies Conference. Spokane, Wash: Marquette Books, 2002.

The author notes that there is a mainstream media in China that each journalist should embrace in order to be accepted in society. However, foreign journalists go through a number of challenges because they observe internationally accepted standards. For instance, a journalist should be biased in his or her reporting for him or her to be accepted⁹.

This is against internationally recognized standards that allow journalists to report their findings without political interference. In the first chapter, Demers discusses the relationship between terrorism and the media in China. In the last chapter, he delves into issues that are specific to the Chinese society. For instance, he talks about resistance and change.

In China, the ruling class does not allow the media to report things as they happen because their tricks would be revealed. In the last sub-topic, the scholar notes that global media is accused of destroying democracy because states are forced to come up with measures aimed at saving the image.

Lam, Willy. Chinese politics in the Hu Jintao era: new leaders, new challenges. Armonk, N.Y.: M.E. Sharpe, 2006.

Lam talks about the rising insecurity and the high rate of unemployment in the country. The government is aware of the appalling conditions facing the citizenry but it does not want the media to report. In other words, the government wants the media to report the problems in a way suggesting that the government is doing everything possible to curb the situation.

However, foreign journalists are not allowed to report freely because the government believes that Chinese people should handle Chinese problems. Foreign reporting is interpreted to mean domestic interference. The adoption of the current Chinese economic development model was the source of the many problems facing citizens.

The author observes that the government is faced with a number of problems, but it does not want the media to highlight them. For instance, the government should create over twenty-five thousand jobs. In the rural areas, there are rising cases of conflicts between peasants and private developers. The government must resolve issues facing peasants and urban dwellers in order to achieve economic and social stability¹⁰.

However, the government does not want to incorporate the media in unraveling problems facing citizens. In particular, the government views foreign media as an enemy because it meddles in the internal affairs of the state.

According to this scholar, this claim is not actually true. In the rural areas, peasants lose their firms to the owners of the means of production through grabbing. The government cannot prosecute land grabbers because they have great influence in government. The peasants and other locals are left in the hands of the ruling class who would do anything, including grabbing, to achieve their selfish interests.

The scholar notes that the problem is persistent in the Eastern parts of China yet the government is reluctant to act. Moreover, foreign journalists are not allowed to report issues. Apart from offering security and protection to the poor, the government of China is unable to provide education, healthcare services, and sufficient sources of energies to the poor.

The media is not allowed to cover events involving education, social services, and government-funded projects. The author concludes by observing that the government should allow the media to report issues related to education, security, healthcare, sustainability, and accountability.

From the author’s analysis, it is true that the media, especially foreign media, has a great role to play in socio-economic and political development. In developed countries such as Japan and the US, the government has achieved a lot as far as economic and social developments are concerned. The government of China could achieve more in case it allows unbiased media coverage.

Marchetti, Gina. From Tian’anmen to Times Square: transnational China and the Chinese diaspora on global screens, 1989-1997. Philadelphia: Temple Univ. Press, 2006.

The book talks about the culture of Chinese in other countries. From the study of Chinese culture, it is eminent that they support the activities of their government as regards to media restriction.

The book explores major issues affecting Chinese nationals in foreign countries such as race, gender, sexuality, and unemployment. The book draws examples from primary sources such as videos, films, and digital works¹¹. Since 1989, the culture of the Chinese has changed in a number of ways.

However, the Chinese are still reluctant to support foreign journalists in their country. The media has changed the perceptions of Chinese towards themselves and other people. The book presents the activities of artists in China and Beijing. In any given society, artists present the evils in society through literary plays and other works of art.

From the plays, it is evident that Chinese are yet to adopt global culture regarding media reporting and coverage. Foreigners are always viewed as people whose main aim is to interfere with the living standards of Chinese. The Chinese movies show that Chinese are people who are reluctant to accept change. In the movies, the problems facing foreign artistes are highlighted.

Foreign journalists face a number of problems including mistrust, government oppression, language problems, cultural conflicts, and insecurity. On the other hand, the Chinese government does little to help foreign journalists realize their potentials.

In China, foreign filmmakers face problems, especially in matters related to marketing. The government of China supports journalists producing films and videos that support government policies. Those that ridicule the government or the Communist Party are often denied licenses. This is unfair because the role of the media is to highlight problems while the role of the government is to formulate and implement policies.

The media and the government should work closely to uplift the living standards of the poor. In China, the relationship between the media and the government is very weak. Rarely does the government consult other stakeholders before formulating policies.

Through the movies, foreign journalists show that the government should adopt the tenets of the free market economy. The government must open up if socio-economic development is to be achieved.

Di, Zhang. A relational perspective on media relations strategies: The Chinese government’s news conferences from 2001 to 2009. Public Relations Review, 38. 5, (2012), 684–696.

The above researcher utilized conceptual structure of organizational-public relations cultivation strategy to analyze the behavior of Chinese government towards foreign journalists¹². The scholar employed quantitative research methods whereby he sent a number of questionnaires to respondents and conducted an analysis using software.

In his research, it was found out that the government of China is changing its perception towards foreign journalists, even though the pace is very slow. The scholar differs from the rest of scholars because he claims that the Chinese government is strengthening relations with foreign journalists.

Leach, Jim. Freedom of the press in China after SARS: reform and retrenchment : roundtable before the Congressional-Executive Commission on China, One Hundred Eighth Congress, first session, September 22, 2003. Washington: U.S. G.P.O.

The above scholar utilized interviews to collect information from Chinese academicians specializing on media freedom. The interviewed scholars observed that the freedom of press in China is a menace to many officials in government because they will always do everything possible to suppress press freedom. The report argues that continuous criticisms on Chinese media have strengthened the activities of foreign journalists.

The government is appreciating the role of foreign journalists slowly. The government of China has recently issued a circular urging all media houses to make public all sensitive information regardless of the government’s directives.

However, the chairperson observes that the international community does not support the continued arrest of journalists because the government has always attempted to hide sensitive information¹³. In particular, the government of China urged all media houses not to cover certain topics in 2003.

This announcement was a direct interference with the right to freedom of press. Recently, the government of China announced that it would cut links with media organizations that do not make substantive profits. Moreover, all media houses are supposed to abide by the rules in order to be licensed.

In the report, Gong observed that the government of China, through the Communist Party, had formulated a law that would permit foreign journalists to conduct their duties without fear of retribution. The new policies aimed at opening up the market for media companies. The interviewee observed that the new laws could easily be misunderstood because of its origin.

In the scholar’s perspective, the laws did not change the perception of the Communist Party towards the media. The party still believed that the media should be controlled to enhance harmony and peaceful coexistence. The observer noted that the new rules could help the political elites to dominate the working class. The rules discouraged foreign reporters from covering events taking place in the government.

The second interviewee observed that the media freedom was taking place at slower pace because many people were opposed to change. The SARS epidemic was responsible for the changes taking place in China.

The residents of Beijing depended on the internet for communicating with other like-minded citizens. In other words, Bu noted that the internet is shaping the relationship between foreign journalists and other activists in the country. Activists depend on the internet.

Brad, Adams, and Gorvin, Ian. You will be harassed and detained”: media freedoms under assault in China ahead of the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games. New York: Human Rights Watch, 2007.

Before the 2007 Olympics, foreign journalists were warned not to contravene the rules and regulations set by the People’s Republic of China because they would face charges of incitement. An umbrella body representing journalist observed that they would be allowed to cover issues related to accountability and governance because they were considered high politics¹⁴. China is not like the US whereby public opinion is respected.

Minley, Worden. China’s Great Leap the Beijing Games and Olympian Human Rights Challenges. New York: Seven Stories Press, 2010.

Minley talks about the role of government in China as regards to media freedom. He notes that the media does not enjoy its freedoms because of the interference from the state machineries. The author draws his findings from the works of well-known journalists, event organizers, and writers. Beijing hosted the 2008 Olympic Games successfully, but the country was accused of meddling with the activities of journalists.

Before the games, China had experienced one of the deadliest revolutions related to the market. The prices of goods were ever increasing and the purchasing power of many people was low. However, the government never took any initiative to correct the anomalies in the market¹⁵.

The media was not allowed to cover some of the problems facing citizens. The author notes that China wants to strengthen its relations with the west, but it cannot do so without granting journalists their rights to freedom of press. Questions were raised whether leaders in Beijing could host the competition successfully yet journalists were not allowed to cover some issues that could jeopardize the activities of the government.

China was fighting to maintain its face externally and internally. However, it had to allow journalists to cover issues of their interests while the competitions were going proceeding. However, the freedom granted to journalists was censured as soon as the games ended.

From the author’s analysis, it is evident that international actors force the country to adapt controversial policies. China had to allow journalists to conduct their activities without government’s interference. This would give the country a good image.

Youngming, Zhou. Privatizing Control: Internet Cafes in China. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2008.

In the above book, the scholar talks about the role of the government in privatizing the internet café in China. The main aim of the government is to enforce compliance. Therefore, it privatizes the major information circulation centers to prevent foreign journalists from accessing them¹⁶.

The author observes that the government strives to be liberal in order to open up the economy, but it does not want to grant individuals their rights and freedom. The scholar employs the views of Foucault on government to analyze the situation in China. The privatization process in China is controlled, unlike other places where privatization operates according to the market forces.

Cheung, Anne. “China Internet going wild: Cyber-hunting versus privacy protection.” Computer Law and Security Review 25.1 (2009): 275-279.

The scholar concurs with the views of other scholars that the internet has transformed the lives of many people in the world. However, the media is used both negatively and positively. The foreign media is accused of causing social problems such as child abuse and violence.

The government of China is concerned with the negative influence of the media¹⁷. Foreign journalists are known to name corrupt public officers, which does not go down well with the government.

Calingaert, Daniel. “Authoritarianism vs. the Internet.” Freedom House – Policy Review, 5.3 (2010): 63-75.

The author observes that the government of China is always in the process of shutting up, shutting off and shutting down the foreign media¹⁸.

Chung, Jongpil. “Comparing Online Activities in China and South Korea: The Internet and the Political Regime.” Asian Survey 48.5, (2009): 90-110.

The findings of Chung suggest that the government of China is uncomfortable with any media associated with foreigners. For instance, the government was reluctant to enter into partnership with Google because the company was believed to interfere with the activities of the government.

In the neighboring states such as South Korea and Taiwan, the governments support the social media because it transforms the lives of people in a number of ways¹⁹. In particular, the social media is used for advertising.

Dann, Gert, and Neil Haddow. “Just Doing Business or Doing Just Business: Google, Microsoft, Yahoo!, and the Business of Censoring China”. Journal of Business Ethics, 3.1 (2008): 219-234

The two scholars talk about the influence of social media on the lives of Chinese. A number of social media companies such as Yahoo, Google, Microsoft, and Twitter operate in China yet the Chinese population is reluctant to utilize the services to transform their lives²⁰.

The two scholars wonder whether the Chinese citizens are comfortable with the social media. The results of their findings suggest that the Chinese populace is against the social media because they believe that the social media companies infringe on their freedom.

Qinglian, He. “Walking the Tightrope-Media Control in China”. China Rights Forum, 4.2 (2004): 87.

In China, the adoption of capitalistic tenets has affected the media in a number of ways. Unlike in other parts of the world, China adjusted the capitalistic mode of production in such a way that the media is used a tool of furthering economic interests of the rich. The rich cannot allow foreign journalists to communicate freely with the proletariat. The ruling class ensures that public opinion is controlled because it affects their interests²¹.

The article talks about the methods employed by the ruling class to control the activities of the foreign journalists. The article traces the developments in the media industry since 1990.

MacKinnon, Rebecca. “Flatter World and Thicker Walls? Blogs, Censorship, and Civic Discourse in China.” Public Choice, 3.2 (2008): 31-46

In the article, the author opposes the view that the activities of foreign journalists will one-day lead to a revolution in China. In China, the populace seems comfortable with the leadership styles employed by the government²².

The Chinese government realized that economic development would be achieved through the adoption of free market economy policies. However, the economic changes came with political changes. The media became a menace to government officials. Therefore, the government had to look for ways to minimize the influence of foreign journalists.

Hassid, Jonathan. “Controlling the Chinese Media: An Uncertain Business.” Asian Survey, 48.3 (2010): 414-430

The scholar notes that the Chinese media is highly decentralized and commercialized. However, the government is able to control it. In particular, the government does not allow foreign journalists to report certain things considered sensitive.

The writer wonders how the Chinese government is able to control the media yet various people control, some coming from different countries²³. The article is critical as far as understanding the ownership of the media industry in China is concerned.

Bibliography

Brad, Adams, and Gorvin, Ian. You will be harassed and detained”: media freedoms under assault in China ahead of the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games. New York: Human Rights Watch, 2007.

Brady, Matt. Guiding Hand: The Role of the CCP Central Propaganda Department in the Current Era. Communication & Culture Journal, 3.1 (2006): 76-90.

Calingaert, Daniel. “Authoritarianism vs. the Internet.” Freedom House – Policy Review, 5.3 (2010): 63-75.

Cheung, Anne. “China Internet going wild: Cyber-hunting versus privacy protection.” Computer Law and Security Review 25.1 (2009): 275-279

Chung, Jongpil. “Comparing Online Activities in China and South Korea: The Internet and the Political Regime.” Asian Survey 48.5, (2009): 90-110.

Dann, Gert, and Neil, Haddow. “Just Doing Business or Doing Just Business: Google, Microsoft, Yahoo!, and the Business of Censoring China”. Journal of Business Ethics, 3.1 (2008): 219-234

Demers, David. Terrorism, globalization & mass communication: papers presented at the 2002 Center for Global Media Studies Conference. Spokane, Wash: Marquette Books, 2002.

Di, Zhang. “A relational perspective on media relations strategies: The Chinese government’s news conferences from 2001 to 2009”. Public Relations Review, 38.5, (2012): 684–696.

Feinberg, Rich. “Dialectics of Culture: Relativism in Popular and Anthropological Discourse”. Anthropological Quarterly 80.3 (2007): 777-790.

Folsom, Minan. Law and Politics in the People’s Republic of China. St. Paul: West Publishing, 1997.

Hassid, Jonathan. “Controlling the Chinese Media: An Uncertain Business.” Asian Survey, 48.3 (2010): 414-430.

Lam, Willy. Chinese politics in the Hu Jintao era: new leaders, new challenges. Armonk, N.Y.: M.E. Sharpe, 2006.

MacKinnon, Rebecca. “Flatter World and Thicker Walls? Blogs, Censorship, and Civic Discourse in China.” Public Choice, 3.2 (2008): 31-46

Marchetti, Gina. From Tian’anmen to Times Square: transnational China and the Chinese diaspora on global screens, 1989-1997. Philadelphia: Temple Univ. Press, 2006.

Minley, Worden. China’s Great Leap the Beijing Games and Olympian Human Rights Challenges. New York: Seven Stories Press, 2010.

Qinglian, He. “Walking the Tightrope-Media Control in China”. China Rights Forum, 4.2 (2004): 87.

Rugg, Garson. Using statistics: a gentle introduction. New York: McGraw Hill, 2007.

Rugg, George. A gentle guide to research methods. Maidenhead: Open University Press, 2007.

Taylor, Grace. Integrating qualitative and quantitative methods in research. Lanham: University Press of America, 2005.

Vogt, Philgona. Quantitative Research Methods for Professionals Author. New York: Pearson, 2007.

Yang, Ash. (2009). “Chinese Media in Change: A comparison of Chinese Media Framing of the 2003 SARS Crisis and the 2008 Sichuan Earthquake”. International Communication Association 4.1 (2009): 41-65.

Youngming, Zhou. Privatizing Control: Internet Cafes in China. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2008.

Footnotes

¹Folsom Minan (Law and Politics in the People’s Republic of China. St. Paul: West Publishing, 1997), p. 39.

² Feinberg, Rich. “Dialectics of Culture: Relativism in Popular and Anthropological Discourse”. Anthropological Quarterly 80.3 (2007): 777-790.

³Yang, Ash. “Chinese Media in Change: A comparison of Chinese Media Framing of the 2003 SARS Crisis and the 2008 Sichuan Earthquake”. International Communication Association 4.1 (2009): 41-65.

⁴ Brady Matt (Guiding Hand: The Role of the CCP Central Propaganda Department in the Current Era. Communication & Culture Journal, 3.1 2006) p. 88,

⁵ Taylor Grace (Integrating qualitative and quantitative methods in research. Lanham: University Press of America, 2005), p. 49.

⁶ Rugg George (A gentle guide to research methods. Maidenhead: Open University Press, 2007), p. 23.

⁷ Vogt Philgona (Quantitative Research Methods for Professionals Author. New York: Pearson, 2007), p. 78.

⁸ Rugg Garson (Using statistics: a gentle introduction.. New York: McGraw Hill, 2007), p. 67.

⁹Demers David (Terrorism, globalization & mass communication: papers presented at the 2002 Center for Global Media Studies Conference. Spokane, Wash: Marquette Books, 2002), p. 112

¹⁰ Lam Willy (Chinese politics in the Hu Jintao era: new leaders, new challenges. Armonk, N.Y.: M.E. Sharpe, 2006), p. 43.

¹¹Marchetti Gina (From Tian’anmen to Times Square: transnational China and the Chinese diaspora on global screens, 1989-1997. Philadelphia: Temple Univ. Press, 2006), p. 76.

¹²Di Zhang (“A relational perspective on media relations strategies: The Chinese government’s news conferences from 2001 to 2009”. Public Relations Review, 38.5, 2012), p. 684.

¹³ Leach Jim (Freedom of the press in China after SARS: reform and retrenchment : roundtable before the Congressional-Executive Commission on China, One Hundred Eighth Congress, first session, September 22, 2003. Washington: U.S. G.P.O), p. 59.

¹⁴ Brad Adams and Gorvin Ian (You will be harassed and detained”: media freedoms under assault in China ahead of the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games. New York: Human Rights Watch, 2007), p. 76.

¹⁵ Minley Worden (China’s Great Leap the Beijing Games and Olympian Human Rights Challenges. New York: Seven Stories Press, 2010), p. 114.

¹⁶ Youngming, Zhou (Privatizing Control: Internet Cafes in China. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2008), 90.

¹⁷ Cheung, Anne. “China Internet going wild: Cyber-hunting versus privacy protection.” Computer Law and Security Review 25.1 (2009): 275-279

¹⁸Calingaert Daniel (“Authoritarianism vs. the Internet.” Freedom House – Policy Review, 5.3 2010), 63.

¹⁹ Chung, Jongpil (“Comparing Online Activities in China and South Korea: The Internet and the Political Regime”. Asian Survey 48.5, 2009), 100.

²⁰ Dann, Gert and Neil Haddow (“Just Doing Business or Doing Just Business: Google, Microsoft, Yahoo!, and the Business of Censoring China”. Journal of Business Ethics, 3.1 2008), 234.

²¹ Qinglian, He (“Walking the Tightrope-Media Control in China”. China Rights Forum, 4.2 2004), 87.

²² MacKinnon, Rebecca (“Flatter World and Thicker Walls? Blogs, Censorship, and Civic Discourse in China.” Public Choice, 3.2 2008), 46.

²³ Hassid Jonathan (“Controlling the Chinese Media: An Uncertain Business.” Asian Survey, 48.3 2010), 430.

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