City Music Reflected in Urban Processes & Places

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Table of Contents

Introduction
Discussion
Conclusion
Reference
Footnotes

Introduction

Tom Davenport (1978) ¹provided a short documentary “It Ain’t City Music” purportedly to have covered or shown a glimpse of the 1972 or 1973 National Country Music Festival Contest in Warrenton Virginia. The film from the point of view of the artist showed clips of conversations, interviews, meeting of friends, formation of musical groups, or an incomplete musical performance stressing the social nature of the event.

It showed a fan’s experience to such an event or gathering, however, with a focus on overweight women with grotesque clothes, scantily clad girls, country boys telling worn-out jokes, loudmouthed drunk men, seeming to introduce people who appear affluent urbanites but with suburban roots. The film failed to focus on long-haired, blue-jeaned folks that dominated the year, or such events, and instead, conservative people in un-expected behavior.

In this film, the viewer is either asked a question, where he or she might belong, as a city dweller fully connected to the night or music life of the locality, or someone with a more erratic description. As music has become a byword and seemingly basic commodity in the world of globalization and iPod, there seem to be less chance to delineate where city ends and where music starts.

Music, particularly popular music is easily understood as either a product of the evolving music industry in general, creativity and originality of an artist, or a subculture preference. At most, it involves people and culture. The movement of music per se becomes a process. This paper shall discuss how “city music” has reflected on urban processes as much as places drawing from personal experience, literature and observation.

Discussion

City /Urbanity

Lees² suggested that human geography has much to learn from contemporary trends in urban geography specifically with reference to cultural turn, with Philo³ earlier countering that human geography’s newfound obsession with the immaterial made it seem inattentive to actual, everyday materiality of the places in which people actually dwell. To this end, Lees provided, “A quick glance at the ‘new’ urban geography, tells us that contrary to popular opinion, the subdiscipline is thriving […] Indeed, it is more thank thriving; it is located on the cutting edge of geographical research that seeks to link the material and immaterial.”⁴

Urbanity and Music

Adam Krims (2007) suggested that music and cities act upon one another now that the economic and cultural realities of globalization are literally reshaping the international urban landscape challenging the perceived notion that the music of a localised place is independent of and resistant to the market forces of mainstream capitalist culture. The introduction takes “as a premise the dramatic changes in the world metropolises over the past few decades, using them as instances for explaining changes in musical culture, and looking toward how two processes may find a connection in a larger unity, including the contributions from music back to urban form.”⁵

Krims suggested that spatial explanations of popular music in particular may provide valuable tools with which to interpret urban histories and social possibilities. Krims acknowledged the economic world-view of “post-Fordism” posturing that global economy built upon flexible labour and production, vertical integration or outsourcing, liberalized trade, the centrality of information in production and the increased role of regional and urban specialization.”⁶

Cultural musicology for Krims celebrates subaltern cultural practices and have the power to challenge the totalizing effects of capitalism suggesting that, “which profit from challenging or complicating national boundaries, dominant identities, and cultural homogeneities, acquire value precisely for having challenged hegemony—and not coincidentally, for having disrupted the deadening sameness embodied in Adorno’s nightmare [the loss of human agency to total capitalism].”⁷

Music Consumers & History

Consumers of music since western scribes noted of them include most tribal communities and their western counterparts that have observed the medial as well as religious essence of music and dance performances. It has been suggested that the first studies of musical history date back to the middle of the 18th century of which G.B. Martini was able to publish a three volume history called Storia della musica (History of Music) between 1757 and 1781. ⁸

Likewise, medieval music presents most distant and longest era of real musical history with Saint Gregory or Svaty Rehor in Czech credited to have arranged a large number of choral works during the early centuries of Christianity in Europe. He served as Pope Gregory I from the year 590 AD to 604 AD where the term Gregorian chant originated. The Medieval era lasted until the 14th century covering almost 1,000 years. A system of musical notation was noted have developed slowly, although much doubted if it was even in use at all. Preserved finds of musical notation come from the 9th century and in addition, rhythmic notation was suggested to be developed only between the 12th – 13th century.⁹

Martin Gerbert published a two volume history of sacred music titled De cantu de musica sacra in 1774. Gerbert followed this work with a three volume work Scriptores ecclesiastici de musica sacra containing significant writings on sacred music from the third century AD onwards in 1784.¹⁰

Urban Sounds & Soundscapes

Krims believes that the global economy defined by nimbly adjustable design and niche marketing makes the discussion the culture industry of mid-twentieth century out of time. Krims picked the popular music tumba of Curacao in the chapter “Space, Place and Popular Music in Curacao and Elsewhere” to present a post-Fordism discussion. Curacao is a chief city of Willemstad who has experienced cultural regeneration through tumba’s popularity.

Tumba is described as the most Coracaoan of musical forms and a highly localized genre of forms and textual allusions specific to Curacao. The music played an important role in Willemstad’s annual Karnival celebrations of quintessential Coracaoan cultural inflections that draw tourists. Its marketability despite its local flavour to the international tourist illustrates the “foregrounding of place and locality forms, to a great extent, the cutting edge of our global economic regime.”¹¹ Various forms and genre of music, likewise

In addition, Krims describes the signposts in major metropolis today presence of ethnic restaurants, stores that sell recordings of world music, and Scandinavian-designed furniture. Design, likewise, with its intensive production, has led and been dependent upon the “design-intensive production of the self.”¹² Music, in this process, is examined for its tendency in cross marketing classical music as music for relaxation or Bach for bedtime. Distribution roles of urban retail spaces Barnes and Noble, Borders, Virgin Megastores, were examined while providing observations on how certain music genre are intended on playback spaces such as in the office, inside the car or the yoga studio making musical “genre into geographic fact.”¹³

Krims recalled his discussion about urban ethos through Rap Music and the Poetics of Identity published in 2000 in chapter 1. Urban ethos was defined as “distillation of publicly disseminated notions of how cities are generally,”¹⁴ The media distributes possibilities such as rap and hip hop’s media representation of violence and forbidding city reflecting as well as informing the realities of urban space. He examined changes in urban ethos through the music used in the 1997 film “Boogie Nights” suggesting that it represents “impossible libidinal city” premised on the booming economy, and safe streets that led to excess and experimentation of the disco era. The New Years Eve of 1980 serving as the symbol for the death of disco, gave way to street violence, drug addiction, and prostitution.

Rap and Violence in a City

When violence erupted in France in 2005 in the form of car burnings and even deaths, rap earned a bad reputation across the nation.¹⁵ According to Rose, rap is a social movement popular primarily among Black and Latino races and during the 1980s, and by the 1990s, catapulted musicians such as Run DMC, LL Cool J, Salt n’ Pepa, Beastie Boys, among others not only among Latinos and African Americans but among White adolescents and even global music listeners. ¹⁶

However, Lipsitz presents a popularly accepted narrative that rap and hip hop originated from the ghetto neighbourhood of the Bronx in New York City in 1970s.¹⁷ The ghetto is a marginalized group of Black and Latinos and the youths in this section created an informal way of expressing themselves as inspired from the Caribbean-style toasting. It is their way of having fun, share experiences, as well as criticize social inequality and poverty. It provided a creative outlet for DJs, MCs, graffiti artists and Bboys and Bgirls to a frustrating and difficult life while encouraging competition and achieved something positive replacing street corner conflicts into competition dancing, and shooting to paint spraying.

It soon became widespread and every locality in the globe has adopted each own, including European immigrants from Turkey, Morocco and North Africa.¹⁸

The reasons for the rise of hip hop according to some sociologists and historians, are found is the changing urban culture within the United States during the 1970s. Perhaps most important was the low cost involved in getting started: the equipment was relatively inexpensive, and virtually anyone could MC along with the popular beats of the day. MCs could be creative, pairing nonsense rhymes and teasing friends and enemies alike in the style of Jamaican toasting at blues parties or playing the dozens in an exchange of wit. MCs would play at block parties, with no expectation of recording, in the way of folk music. The skills necessary to create hip hop music were passed informally from musician to musician, rather than being taught in expensive music lessons.¹⁹

Another reason for hip hop’s rise was the decline of disco, funk and rock in the mid- to late 70s. Disco arose among black and gay male clubs in America, and quickly spread to Europe.²⁰ Disco provided much danceable beats which hip hop took advantage of while providing a musical outlet for the masses that hated disco.²¹

Burke²² wrote about the violence and association with rap in France as “The truth about French rap is that there is a hard fringe that dominates reports in the media, a street mainstream that dominates the industry and then a vast range of artists, labels and fans who are following more diverse directions. Away from the politics and the mediatisation and the trials, it is like any musical movement anywhere.” Burke noted the tensions between entertainment and social engagement, between commerce and artistic impression of which rap lyrics fit with French politicised musical activism concluding that, “In the end the evening was all about words. Which is what French rap is essentially about. Words and money and real issues, of course. But mainly, just about words.”²³

Conclusion

Taking into consideration the above discussion, city music is easily seen and perceived as another descriptive part of some groups or individuals living in a given locality. In a city like New York, a neighborhood may have its youth prefer rap or hip hop music, but within the confines of the city neighborhood may be found other residents who may prefer other genres like soul, or even love songs and ballads. Others may simply prefer silence or the absence of “city music” altogether.

As for the case of France, one thing may lead to another. As said earlier, media has its way of influencing thoughts, as may be fed upon by authorities, government agencies, and the like. Miles away, a train bombing in London is easily connected to terrorism. Other gang wars in New York or Chicago to the various mafias and gangs who may at one time or another have been linked to certain musical of club preference, but not always.

All these events and undertakings have existed decades before, or probably, even the previous century. Music has always been a part of culture, which is an inevitable proposition and general understanding. Each groups of populations and localities, no matter how “barbaric” or remote have always had in them some form of a music that connects, a form of communication, entertainment, but definitely a part of culture. Others may serve as part of a tradition, evolving, growing, changing, and returning to observable cycles even major record companies acknowledge.

Globalization definitely has not spared its effect on music. In fact, music has been called as a universal form of communication. Although it may have its roots in a given area, it can travel and accumulate fast in other or international areas, such as cities. Cities will always remain an amalgamation of peoples and cultures, no matter how much its government prevent such mixture. Media may be blamed at most. But movement of people and the proliferation of information in seconds could fuels the growth, sharing and mutation of music.

It is inevitable that a certain locality may produce a definitive sound of music at a given period. Its producers may influence or may have been influenced by a sub-culture, a movement, a single cause, or a very personal reason. Its propagators, members or distributors may or may not be a part of the sub culture at all. It however may provide a certain economic union, which could fuel a need for wider consumption or audience. Such is the culture and movement of the many genres of music.

Continuing studies and research on it may provide understandings of reasons of birth and propagation. But it will always change, and continue evolving from one point to another for one personal reason to global ones. While a certain music genre may easily be associated with its nearest city, this is due to the acceptance and immediate use of closely linked or due to proximity of peoples. Music may have been produced elsewhere, like Liverpool.

Reference

Burke, Jason (2006). “Riot of their own.”, The Observer. Web.

Krims, Adam (2007). Music and Urban Geography. New York: Routledge.

Davenport, Tom (1978) It Ain’t City Music. Jan Weit; Lee Steig; Mimi Davenport; Harvey Greenstein.

Lees, L. (2002). “Rematerializing geography: the ‘new’ urban geography.” Progress in Human geography 26, 101-112.

Philo, C. (2000). “More words, more worlds: reflections on the cultural turn an human geography. In Cook, I., Crouch, D., Naylor, S. and Ryan, J. eds, Cultural turns/geographical turns: perspectives on cultural geography, Harlow: Prentice Hall, 26-53.

Bennett, A. 1999. Hip Hop am Main: The localisation of rap music and hip hop culture. Media, Culture & Society, Vol 21, No 1. p75.

Lipsitz, G. 1998. The Hip Hop Hearings; Censorship, Social Memory, and Intergenerational Tensions among African Americans., in Generations of Youth; Youth Cultures and History in Twentieth Century America, Austin & Willard eds., New York University Press, New York. p75.

Saunders, Michael (1996) Gangsta Warfare. Boston Globe 1996: B29.

Rose 1994: 72 in Bennett, A. 1999. Hip Hop am Main: The localisation of rap music and hip hop culture. Media, Culture & Society, Vol 21, No 1. p75.

Perry, Imani (2005). Prophets of the Hood: Politics and Poetics in Hip Hop.

Samuels, Anita M (1996) “Rap on the Road: Frozen Out by Venues, Insurers and a Bad Rep, The Music Takes Alternate Routes to Get to Its Audience”

Radio Prague (2008). “history of Music.” Web.

Footnotes

Davenport, 1978.
Lees, 2002.
Philo, 2000.
Lees, 2002, p 109.
Krims, 2007, p xix.
ibid.
Ibid, p 104.
Wikipedia, 2008.
Radio Prague, 2008.
Wikipedia, 2008.
Krims, 2007, p 55.
Ibid, p 139.
Ibid, p xvi.
Ibid, p 7.
Burke, 2005.
Rose, 1994.
Lipsitz, 1998.
Bennett, 1999.
Samuel, 2000.
Perry, 2005.
Saunders, 1996.
Burke, 2006.
Burke, 2006.

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